"The publication analyzes the emerging trends of foreign authoritarian-state disinformation in the context of the war in Ukraine in a comparative manner focusing on 7 states of Southeast Europe (Bulgaria, Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, Montenegro and Albania). It examines
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the continuities and evolution in Russia’s strategies, channels and narratives for disseminating disinformation since the Kremlin’s invasion of Ukraine and the extent to which other foreign authoritarian states -Turkey, the Gulf states, Iran, have amplified Russian propaganda. The research further traces the personal and institutional pathways through which China has been able to establish its media foothold in Southeast European countries. The report offers policy recommendations for safeguarding democracy and media freedom in the Balkans against the ever-increasing pressures from authoritarianism." (Publisher description)
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"We sought to better understand Russia's disinformation on social media and generate recommendations to better meet and counter this evolving threat. We relied on an analysis of Russian military literature, investigative efforts, official reports, academic and policy literature, media reporting, and
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expert interviews. We also conducted a case study in Ukraine, interviewing a variety of key experts in the Ukrainian government and in the nongovernmental sector who are involved in confronting Russian information warfare." (Summary)
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"Der Beitrag untersucht die Darstellung des globalen Südens anhand der Themen Armut, Entwicklungszusammenarbeit und Kolonialismus in Hamburger Schulbüchern der Mittel- und Oberstufe. Er kommt zu dem Schluss, dass sich oftmals rassistische Elemente in dieser Darstellung aufzeigen lassen: in der Geg
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enüberstellung von aktiven, wissenden, aufgeklärten Weißen und passiven, unwissenden, rückständigen Nichtweißen; in der Verharmlosung des Kolonialismus und der Geringschätzung seiner Opfer; sowie in der Konstruktion von afrikanischen und asiatischen Säuglingen als einer Bedrohung für die Menschheit." (Zusammenfassung)
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"This strategy paper answers the following question: What can the donors, media NGOs, and the management of professional media both in exile and in Belarus do to maintain the quality and the reach of Belarusian independent journalism?" (Executive summary)
"This article explores the public value of community media in Austria. Though they fulfil various important functions in civil society, they do not enjoy the same legislative recognition and financial funding like other public-value-generating broadcasters do. For this study five normative functions
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have been developed to measure the community media’s public value: the articulation function, the participation function, the complementary function, the media literacy function and the strategies in media convergence function. In thirteen focus groups with members of fifteen Austrian community media, the strong institutionalization of the sector became just as apparent as the existence of a commonly shared self-perception. The normative functions are strongly anchored in the daily routine of the participating programme makers. So, community media in Austria clearly generate public value." (Abstract)
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"Wichtiger als die Frage, ob Medien genutzt werden, ist die Frage, wie sie genutzt werden. Damit Kinder gesund und sicher aufwachsen können, gilt es auszuloten, wie Kinder auf sichere und begleitete Art mit und über digitale Medien lernen können. Wie das Thema Digitale Medien in der frühkindlich
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en Bildung verankert werden kann und welche Bedingungen erfüllt sein müssen, damit Medienerziehung als eine gemeinsame Aufgabe von Kita und Familie verstanden wird - darüber gibt dieses Buch Aufschluss. Die hier vorgestellten Gelingensbedingungen und Handlungsempfehlungen stammen aus dem viereinhalbjährigen Forschungs- und Praxisprojekt 'Medienerziehung im Dialog von Kita und Familie'. Das Projekt wurde von der Stiftung Digitale Chancen in Kooperation mit der Stiftung Ravensburger Verlag und zehn Kitas in Berlin, Brandenburg und Niedersachsen durchgeführt." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Reported here are findings from a study of the frequency and content of messaging on various themes on Russian television. The goal of this approach is not necessarily to re-create Russians' viewing habits, though one might reasonably assume that more frequently mentioned topics are more likely to
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have been viewed or noticed. Rather, the frequency and distribution of topics over time reveal the extent to which state-controlled television presented a coordinated campaign. In the absence of reliable public opinion data in war-time Russia, such an approach further suggests insights about the ways that Russians were prepared for and reacted to the onset of war. Despite Russia's insistence that its invasion was motivated by longstanding concerns-genocide and fascism in Ukraine-the findings show that Russian television only paid brief attention to those concerns and quickly re-focused on other themes. Rather, the priming of the public for war began over a month prior to the invasion with the spread of "war talk" on television broadcasts." (Page 1)
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"Seit Beginn des russischen Angriffskriegs gegen die Ukraine im Februar 2022 nutzen Rechtsextreme die Ereignisse und Entwicklungen für ihre Propaganda. Dabei lassen sich sowohl pro-ukrainische als auch prorussische Positionierungen beobachten. Insbesondere werden gezielt Desinformationen und Versch
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wörungserzählungen verbreitet. Eine zentrale Plattform stellt Telegram dar: Rechtsextreme und verschwörungsideologische Akteur:innen können hier ungestört ihre Propaganda betreiben, meist ohne Löschungen befürchten zu müssen." (Seite 2)
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"Who constructs Africa’s global media image? That is the main focus of this longitudinal study. It looks at both the journalists and the news sources applied in the British press coverage of Africa between 1992 and 2017. Four British national newspapers (The Guardian, Financial Times, The Times, a
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nd Daily Mail) and a mixed research approach (content analysis and semi-structured interviews) were used. A total sample of 7027 articles were utilized, while nine journalists were interviewed. This study discovered that the British newspapers’ coverage of Africa was dominated by Western journalists and the news sources used in the articles were a proportionate mixture of both African and Western sources, especially in the quality newspapers. It also uncovered that Africa’s global influence, in addition to other factors impact on the UK newspapers’ coverage of Africa. This study concludes that there are some positive changes in the post-colonial British press coverage of Africa, especially in their use of news sources, but there are still some elements of neo-colonialism and racism in the British newspapers’ use of journalists in reporting on Africa." (Abstract)
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"Cold War media cultures are typically remembered in terms of an East-West binary, emphasizing conflict and propaganda. Remapping Cold War Media, however, offers a different perspective on the period, illuminating the extensive connections between media industries and cultures in Europe's Cold War E
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ast and their counterparts in the West and Global South. These connections were forged by pragmatic, technological, economic, political, and aesthetic forces; they had multiple, at times conflicting, functions and meanings. And they helped shape the ways in which media circulates today—from film festivals, to satellite networks, to coproductions. Considering film, literature, radio, photography, computer games, and television, Remapping Cold War Media offers a transnational history of postwar media that spans Eastern and Western Europe, the Nordic countries, Cuba, the United States, and beyond. Contributors draw on extensive archival research to reveal how media traveled across geopolitical boundaries; the processes of translation, interpretation, and reception on which these travels depended; and the significance of media form, content, industries, and infrastructures then and now." (Publisher description)
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"The study specifically focuses on five types of harmful content: a) hate speech and hate narratives; b) denials of war crimes and glorification of war criminals; c) ethno-nationally and/or politically biased media reporting; d) disinformation; and e) attacks, threats and smear campaigns against ind
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ividuals. After giving overviews of the five types of harmful content, their targets and consequences, the following chapters are dedicated to the legislative, regulatory and self-regulatory frameworks for the five types of harmful content, how effectively they are used online, what the major obstacles are in their implementation and to what extent they are aligned with international standards. The study also addresses the practices of the courts, the Communications Regulatory Agency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Press Council of Bosnia and Herzegovina and other relevant actors in countering harmful content. The final parts of the study are dedicated to the community guidelines of social networks and examples of frameworks in other countries. The scope of harmful content online in Bosnia and Herzegovina is worrying and calls for a comprehensive response. The study emphasizes the need to safeguard freedom of expression and to find responses and practices that are aligned with international human rights law and that do not chill or censor online speech or discourage the flow of diverse sources of information and opinions." (Executive summary)
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"The book was born out of the need to understand and convey the experience of journalists who testified before the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Aiming to shed light on the insufficiently researched role of journalists and newspaper material before the ICTY, Media
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centar Sarajevo’s research team gathered and analyzed 2,760 evidence items from the Hague Tribunal court records, while the experiences of 14 journalists who testified before the Hague Tribunal were recorded through in-depth interviews." (Publisher description)
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"Deutschland ist insbesondere bei den Kindern und Jugendlichen ein Land mit einer Vielfalt an natio-ethno-kulturell-religiösen Hintergründen. Vier von zehn unter 18-Jährigen (39%) haben einen Migrationshintergrund und, insbesondere wenn sie einen dunklen Hautton haben, erfahren Alltagsrassismus.
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Wie lässt sich dem begegnen? In diesem Band werden sorgfältig entwickelte Projekte wie „WillkommensKITA“ oder „Kinder gegen Rassismus“ vorgestellt. Wie Medien Rassismus begegnen können, wird anhand der Entwicklung einer antirassistischen Sketch Comedy (Moooment!, KiKA) aufgezeigt. Sorgsam entwickelt und fünffach evaluiert werden typische Facetten von Alltagsrassismus aufgezeigt und damit diskutierbar gemacht. Von Rassismus Betroffene können mit der Sendung ihre Erfahrungen angemessener einordnen und Kinder und Jugendliche, die Rassismus beobachten, können diesen eher erkennen und zu Verbündeten werden. Welche Lösungen Kinder und Preteens für den Umgang mit Rassismen finden, zeigt schließlich eine weitere Studie." (Rückseite)
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"Misery and poverty do exist, and the media should not be ignoring that. However, the status of the African continent cannot be judged without addressing the 500 years of slave trade. Our prosperity has been built by the unpaid labour of Black people and with the resources stolen from their countrie
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s of origin. We have become accustomed to seeing the Global South as a place of misery, which, thanks to bad governance, corrupt governments and uneducated people, is to blame for its own misery. We hold on to our images because it is more comfortable for us that way. Otherwise, we would have to rewrite our entire history. In her famous TED talk, author Chimananda Ngozi Adichie criticises the “danger of a single story” – the danger of continuing to tell a one-sided narrative about Africa and its people. It is time to leave the comfort zone, to finally teach the contexts truthfully and to recognise and question the colonial continuities, thereby allowing not only a new, but a more honest, image of Africa and Black people to emerge." (Conclusion, page 43-44)
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"Vor etwas mehr als 20 Jahren gründeten Mitglieder der DVPW-Sektion Internationale Beziehungen eine Mailingliste. Seitdem haben Generationen von Forschenden und Studierenden die ib-liste abonniert (und sicher oft auch wieder abbestellt). Dieser Beitrag nimmt das kürzliche Jubiläum zum Anlass, die
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Rolle der Liste als digitaler Kommunikationskanal für die deutschsprachige IB-Community zu beleuchten. Dazu haben wir die Absenderadressen und Betreffzeilen von rund 28.000 E-Mails zwischen 2012 und 2020 ausgewertet. Darauf basierend untersuchen wir die Interaktionsmuster der Liste anhand dreier Leitfragen. Erstens lässt sich eine Professionalisierung der Kommunikation feststellen. Eine Spitzengruppe aus rund 500 regelmäßigen Nutzer*innen ist für 42,5 Prozent der Nachrichten verantwortlich. Zweitens hat sich der Kreis der Aktiven über den ursprünglichen Kern der Wissenschafts-Community hinaus erweitert. Nur rund ein Drittel der Beiträge hat einen direkten Bezug zu Forschung oder Lehre. Es überwiegen Hinweis auf Veranstaltungen für welt- und außenpolitische Interessierte sowie außeruniversitäre Stellenausschreibungen. Drittens ist die Liste moderat internationalisiert, was sich vor allem an der Häufigkeit englischsprachiger Betreffzeilen zeigt. Diese sind bei Nachrichten mit Wissenschaftsbezug in der Überzahl. Insgesamt dient die Liste im untersuchten Zeitraum somit nicht nur einer Kerngemeinschaft für IB-Forschung und Lehre, sondern verzahnt diese mit benachbarten Communitys aus der Zivilgesellschaft." (Abstract)
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"On April 3, 2022, Hungary’s ruling Fidesz party won a fourth term in national elections, cementing its dominance with a two-thirds majority that will allow it to continue traveling what critics of the party and many others would describe as the path of centralizing power and rolling back democrat
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ic safeguards. International observers characterized the elections as free but raised serious concerns about their fairness. These included blurring the lines between the government and the ruling party in campaigning, which amplified the advantage of the ruling coalition, the absence of a level playing field, and lack of balance in campaign coverage in the press, on television, and on billboards. Fidesz’s effective control over large sections of the media, undermining the independence of the judiciary and public institutions, and curbing of civil society has received considerable attention from international media and international observers. However, its misuse of people’s personal data, which helped the party reach voters in new, opaque ways, has received relatively little scrutiny. This report examines how data-driven campaigning in Hungary’s 2022 elections exacerbated an already uneven playing field and undermined the right to privacy. It also documents new forms of misuse of personal data collected by the government and used for political campaigning by Fidesz in the 2022 elections." (Summary)
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"Die elf Beiträge der Autor:innen aus Medienwissenschaft und -praxis untersuchen Finanzierung, Produktion und Distribution medialer Öffentlichkeiten sowie Themen, Formate und Rezeption auf ihre Defizite und ihr progressives Potential. Die Analysen und Essays argumentieren unter anderem für die Ve
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rgesellschaftung der Plattformstrukturen sozialer Medien, legen den Reformbedarf im Öffentlich-Rechtlichen Rundfunk dar und plädieren für eine stärkere Repräsentation von Arbeiter:innen in Redaktionen und Berichten." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Populist politicians increasingly accuse opposing media of spreading disinformation or “fake news.” However, empirical research on the effects of these accusations is scarce. This survey experiment (N = 1,330) shows that disinformation accusations reduce audience members’ trust in the accused
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news outlet and perceived accuracy of the news message, while trust in the accusing politician is largely unaffected. However, only individuals with strong populist attitudes generalize disinformation accusations to the media as an institution and reduce their general media trust. The phrase “fake news” does not amplify any of these effects. These findings suggest that politicians can undermine the credibility of journalism without much repercussion—a mechanism that might also threaten other authoritative information sources in democracies such as scientists and health authorities." (Abstract)
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"The overall objective of this UNESCO project is to strengthen the resilience of societies to potentially harmful content spread online, in particular hate speech inciting violence while protecting freedom of expression and enhancing the promotion of peace through digital technologies, notably socia
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l media. The project runs from January 2021 - December 2023. There are four (4) pilot countries: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Colombia, Indonesia, and Kenya. The lessons learnt at the local level will feed-in for the global discussion at the international level." (Publisher description)
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"As the Russian invasion of Ukraine erupted, the country’s authorities declared a war on Western social media as well. In March, such social media giants as Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram were blocked in Russia, giving their local competitor—named VK—a virtual monopoly in the country. Millio
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ns of Russian Facebook and Instagram users have flocked to this social network. Though VK may seem similar to Facebook, it is drastically different due to its proximity to the Russian government. The article examines the core peculiarities of VK and the risks its users may face, especially, in the context of war." (Abstract)
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