"Based on a literature review through January 2021, evaluated at an expert seminar, this policy brief provides a baseline analysis of changing tactics, narratives, and distribution strategies in Russian and Chinese information operations (IOs) relating to the covid-19 pandemic. Key findings: China c
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opied Russia’s tactics, spreading disinformation globally for the first time, particularly on the virus’s origins. But it lacks Russia’s skillset. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) turned to destructive and conspiratorial narratives in an attempt to blunt criticism of its initial failure to contain Covid-19. China’s previous approach built economic ties and influence with political elites, whereas Russia’s lies and disruption targeted broader public opinion. Russia’s approach evolved little; it recycled previous narratives, spreading a broad range of covid-19 disinformation. Evidence supports the theory that Russia seeks to strengthen itself in relative terms by weakening the West, while China seeks to strengthen itself in absolute terms. Collaboration agreements between state media and circular amplification of narratives during the pandemic do not (yet) amount to evidence of strategic Sino-Russian coordination." (Executive summary)
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"This book explains divergent media system trajectories in the countries in southeast Europe, and challenges the presumption that the common socialist experience critically influences a common outcome in media development after democratic transformations, by showing different remote and proximate co
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nfiguration of conditions that influence their contemporary shape. Applying an innovative longitudinal set-theoretical methodological approach, the book contributes to the theory of media systems with a novel theoretical framework for the comparative analysis of post-socialist media systems. This theory builds on the theory of historical institutionalism and the notion of critical junctures and path dependency in searching for an explanation for similarities or differences among media systems in the Eastern European region." (Publisher description)
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"The media environment in Ukraine is complex, diverse and competitive. Most of the country’s outlets are privately owned by high-profile Ukrainians who tend to use them for political influence. However, a small number of media organizations uphold high standards of professionalism and integrity an
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d are vital for shaping domestic political and social debate. These are mostly in print and online but also include some broadcasters, such as Suspilne, and international donor-funded multimedia platforms. Ukraine has a vibrant community of media experts, activists and NGOs that monitor and analyse the sector. These individuals and organizations create development initiatives, advocate reforms and, to a certain extent, perform self-regulatory functions. Platforms for discussions among media professionals are contributing to an evolving industry culture. But they face challenges including limited authority to implement changes; unsustainable funding, often reliant on international donors; and a lack of consensus on ethical and quality standards within the media community. Many outlets provide content for free and domestic audiences are accustomed to this practice. However, there are efforts in Ukraine to encourage consumers to pay for quality content. From early 2020, the biggest media organizations began restricting free access to their output. Meanwhile, smaller independent media are offering subscription and membership models to improve their economic sustainability. The COVID-19 crisis has pushed media organizations to be more proactive in creating business models that do not solely rely on advertising. Ukraine’s media landscape is threatened by the disruption of traditional information delivery methods and consumption patterns; fake news and disinformation; a changing media economy; competition from social media and tech giants; and political turbulence and hostile actors, particularly Russia. Reforms in media regulation – in addition to those in the judiciary and law enforcement agencies – could limit the influence of media owners and protect outlets from political actors determined to attack journalists or manipulate content. Furthermore, support for sustainable revenue models, technological capacity-building and better brand recognition could focus on independent outlets that lack the resources to compete with oligarch-owned media. Improved media literacy efforts are also important for creating long-term audience demand for quality content." (Summary, page 4)
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"The Serbian government prioritizes digitalization. Serbia’s digital transformation accelerated in 2017 with the government’s focus on building a digital government, or “digitalization” as defined by Serbians, and Serbia’s participation in the Digital Agenda for the Western Balkans. As one
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Serbian official described it, digitalization refers to the “fundamental changes reflected in the emergence of an efficient, economical, and transparent public administration.” Although there is no comprehensive national policy for Information and Communications Technology (ICT), Serbia’s digital agenda includes initiatives ranging from expanding connectivity to developing the ICT industry. Prime Minister Brnabic has been a champion for digitalization, and digital transformation will continue to be a key priority in the coming years. Digital connectivity infrastructure in the country is strong and growing. Fourth-generation (4G) mobile broadband covers more than 90 percent of the population. The government and top mobile network operators (MNOs) plan to deploy 5G networks in the near future. Donors such as the European Union (EU) support the expansion of fiber-optic connectivity to connect rural schools. China’s Digital Silk Road Initiative has had a substantial role in building Serbia’s digital infrastructure, ranging from Safe City infrastructure to providing cloud infrastructure and developing an artificial intelligence (AI) platform for the government. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the government swiftly embraced online schooling and expanded digital government services. Fragmentation and uneven levels of buy-in across the executive branch hinders Serbian digital government efforts. Serbia’s approach to multi-stakeholder internet governance has also been uneven, with industry and civil society stakeholders lamenting a lack of public engagement. Serbian civil society is working to protect digital rights and freedoms. A growing network of organizations in Serbia and across Southeast Europe is working to protect free expression online, promote information security, and publicize digital rights violations." (https://www.usaid.gov/digital-development)
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"Der Umgang mit der Kolonialgeschichte, die hierzulande lange im Schatten der Aufarbeitung des Nationalsozialismus und des Holocaust stand, unterliegt gegenwärtig einem grundlegenden Wandel. Zwar zählt auch Deutschland faktisch zu den postkolonialen Gesellschaften Europas, doch ist diese Tatsache
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kaum in das Bewusstsein der Menschen und in das Handeln der Politik vorgedrungen. Der Sammelband zieht Bilanz und will zugleich die notwendige Auseinandersetzung um eine Dekolonisierung globaler wie lokaler Machtverhältnisse und eine Dekolonialisierung der immer noch dominierenden Wissens- und Deutungsmacht des »Westens« anregen. Die aktuellen Debatten um den Völkermord an den Herero und Nama oder die koloniale Beutekunst im geplanten Humboldt Forum in Berlin richten den Fokus ein ums andere Mal auf eine koloniale Vergangenheit, die nicht vergehen will." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The EU dreams of a “common European data space”. Data protection is and remains the elephant in this data room. So long as the anti-processing straitjacket of the GDPR is not loosened even a little for altruistic purposes, there will be little hope for data innovations from Europe. In any case,
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the EU’s bureaucratic ideas threaten to stifle any altruism." (Conclusion)
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"Konzentrationslager als virtuelle Realität. Digitale Repräsentationen des Holocausts und ihre Grenzen der Wahrheit. Wenn es um den Holocaust geht, werden die "Grenzen der Darstellung" seit den seit den 1990er Jahren ausführlich diskutiert. Neuere digitale Technologien wie AR, VR und verschiedene
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andere Ansätze zur Erzeugung von Unmittelbarkeit, Immersion und emotionaler Intensität haben erneut heftige Reaktionen und Kontroversen ausgelöst. Dieser Artikel bietet eine Typologie der digitalen Ansätze, die seit 2010 zur Darstellung von NS-Konzentrationslagern verwendet wurden. In Anlehnung an Baudrillards Unterscheidung zwischen "Nachahmung", "Produktion" und "Simulation" und "Simulation" der Realität lassen sich verschiedene Regime von Beziehungen zwischen historischer Realität Repräsentationen von Geschichte identifiziert werden. Ungeachtet neuer Wahrnehmungsdimensionen, werden bisherige Narrative und Perspektiven zur Darstellung der NS-Verbrechen "saniert". (Abstract)
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"Exogenous shocks like the COVID-19 pandemic unleashes multiple fundamental questions about society beyond public health. Based on the classical concept of ‘need for orientation’ and the literature on the role of the media in times of crisis, we investigate to what extent the COVID-19 pandemic a
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ffected news consumption in comparative perspective. Based on a two-wave panel survey in 17 mostly European countries, our study targets the role of both legacy news brands (TV, radio, newspapers) and so-called contemporary news media (Internet-based and social media) during this global health crisis. Our results show an overall rise of news use across countries, but only for some types of news media. We find an increase of TV news consumption, and a higher reliance on social media and the Internet for news and information. This indicates that in times of crises and an unusually strong need for orientation, people mainly turn to news sources that are easily available and offer a more immediate coverage. Furthermore, we find the rise in news use to be mainly present among those who already have a higher level of trust in legacy media and among people that were more concerned about the impact of the pandemic." (Abstract)
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"This report examines how use of newer and emergent technologies affects nonviolent action campaigns. It identifies two significant related challenges and presents evidence of these dynamics at work in two digital autocracies, China and Russia." (About the report)
"Bulgarian journalists are under pressure. Although the country has been a member of the EU for 13 years and the legislation on freedom of speech corresponds to Western practices, the country ranks 111th in the annual Freedom of Speech Index. While the cases of work-related physical violence against
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journalists are rare, the cases of direct political pressure are increasing. The unification of ownership into large media cartels and the lack of transparency in the movement of financial flows from the state to certain media are among the main factors affecting the freedom of speech. The analysis of publications covering six cases of physical and verbal aggression on the websites of the five most visited online media in Bulgaria outlines the scheme for inducing self-censorship and the transition from active to passive news coverage within a short period of time. The survey, conducted with students in journalism and professional journalists, aims to show their experience with aggression, as well as to identify the forms of pressure they face on a daily basis." (Abstract)
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"The chapter identifies the new threats posed by digital developments and how they affect women journalists in particular. There are three main converging safety threats confronting women journalists in the digital age: online harassment and abuse against women journalists; orchestrated disinformati
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on campaigns targeting women journalists; and digital privacy and security threats exploiting women journalists' vulnerabilities. Online violence targeting women journalists manifests in a variety of ways that, nevertheless, share a number of common characteristics. The chapter exposes how a trend has emerged involving the specific targeting of women journalists by state and corporate actors engaged in “disinformation wars”. To illustrate the “new frontline” and bear witness of a rampant cyber-misogyny now confronting women journalists, the chapter presents four new international case studies from the Philippines, South Africa, India and Finland, and shows how all four female journalists used the techniques of research and investigative journalism against their attackers. Based on the research and policy analysis, the chapter ends with a series of recommendations, which could be used as part of a “combat plan” for key actors seeking to counter online violence against women journalists." (Abstract)
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"Auf der Grundlage der identifizierten Schutzlücken erarbeitet das Gutachten mögliche Gegenmaßnahmen und beschreibt die nötigen Wirkungsvoraussetzungen. Die zentrale Frage lautet: Welche Risikopotenziale für individuelle und gesellschaftliche Interessen weist Desinformation auf und welche Gover
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nance-Maßnahmen können darauf adäquat reagieren? Die Beantwortung dieser Leitfrage erfolgt dabei in drei Schritten: Vorangestellt (Kap. 2) werden die in wissenschaftlichen und medienpolitischen Diskussionen differenzierten Erscheinungsformen von Desinformation sowie ihre jeweiligen Begriffsverständnisse zusammengefasst und auf ihre Risikopotenziale hin untersucht. Ziel ist es, die Spannweite betroffener Phänomene aufzuzeigen und sie von anderen Erscheinungsformen und Begrifflichkeiten zu differenzieren. Dabei erfolgt auch eine Bewertung der Abgrenzungsindikatoren im Hinblick auf die Nutzbarkeit für rechtliche bzw. regulatorische Anknüpfungspunkte. Zudem wird hier kurz der Stand der Forschung hinsichtlich der abträglichen Effekte von Desinformation für individuelle und gesellschaftsbezogene Schutzziele einbezogen; Kenntnisse über Wirkungen von Desinformation auf einzelne Rezipientinnen und Rezipienten liegen hier bislang nur lückenhaft vor. Dies steht in gewissem Kontrast zu den eher impliziten Unterstellungen, die den aktuellen Regulierungsforderungen zugrunde liegen. Dort, wo empirische Evidenzen vorliegen, zeigt das Gutachten jedenfalls vermutete Effekte und ihre Risikopotenziale auf. Im zweiten Schritt (Kap. 3) wird der geltende Rechtsrahmen daraufhin untersucht, welche gesetzlichen Vorkehrungen gegen eine Risikorealisierung bereits bestehen und welche untergesetzlichen Initiativen sich auf Ebene von Ko- und Selbstregulierung entwickelt haben, die als Gegenkraft wirken können. An dieser Stelle setzt die Untersuchung die Arbeit des GVK-Gutachtens von Möller, Hameleers und Ferreau fort,5 indem bestehende risikospezifische Schutzlücken mit Blick auf die identifizierten Risikopotenziale herausgearbeitet werden. Dort, wo Schutzlücken erkennbar werden, zeigt das Gutachten staatliche Handlungsmöglichkeiten und -grenzen auf. Im dritten Schritt (Kap. 4) werden regulatorische Ansatzpunkte und -instrumente, die in der Lage sind, die identifizierten Schutzlücken zu schließen, beleuchtet. Klassische Ansätze der Medienregulierung eignen sich hier meist begrenzt, da für den Bereich der öffentlichen Kommunikation der Grundsatz gilt, dass es nicht staatliche Aufgabe sein kann und darf, über die Einstufungen wahr/unwahr oder erwünschte Meinung/unerwünschte Meinung zu befinden. Hier müssen – soweit überhaupt Handeln angezeigt ist – Wege staatsferner, prozeduraler Steuerung betreten6 oder alternative Formen von inhalts- und technikbezogener Governance entwickelt werden. Alternativ oder ergänzend kommen neben Maßnahmen, die diskursermöglichend oder -unterstützend wirken, auch Gegenmaßnahmen in Betracht, die informationsintegritätssteigernde oder -integrierende Wirkungen haben können." (Seite 4-5)
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"Drawing on a qualitative analysis of 7,506 tweets by state-sponsored accounts from Russia’s GRU and the Internet Research Agency (IRA), Iran, and Venezuela, this article examines the gender dimensions of foreign influence operations. By examining the political communication of feminism and women
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s rights, we find, first, that foreign state actors co-opted intersectional critiques and countermovement narratives about feminism and female empowerment to demobilize civil society activists, spread progovernment propaganda, and generate virality around divisive political topics. Second, 10 amplifier accounts—particularly from the Russian IRA and GRU—drove more than one-third of the Twitter conversations about feminism and women’s rights. Third, high-profile feminist politicians, activists, celebrities, and journalists were targeted with character attacks by the Russian GRU. These attacks happened indirectly, reinforcing a culture of hate rather than attempting to stifle or suppress the expression of rights through threats or harassment. This comparative look at the online political communication of women’s rights by foreign state actors highlights distinct blueprints for foreign influence operations while enriching the literature about the unique challenges women face online." (Abstract)
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