"This article examines the ongoing dynamics in the regulation of disinformation in Europe, focusing on the intersection between the right to freedom of expression and the right to privacy. Importantly, there has been a recent wave of regulatory measures and other forms of pressure on online platform
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s to tackle disinformation in Europe. These measures play out in different ways at the intersection of the right to freedom of expression and the right to privacy. Crucially, as governments, journalists, and researchers seek greater transparency and access to information from online platforms to evaluate their impact on the health of their democracies, these measures raise acute issues related to user privacy. Indeed, platforms that once refused to cooperate with governments in identifying users allegedly responsible for disseminating illegal or harmful content are now expanding cooperation. However, while platforms are increasingly facilitating government access to user data, platforms are also invoking data protection law concerns as a shield in response to recent efforts at increased platform transparency. At the same time, data protection law provides for one of the main systemic regulatory safeguards in Europe. It protects user autonomy concerning data-driven campaigns, requiring transparency for internet audiences about targeting and data subject rights in relation to audience platforms, such as social media companies." (Abstract)
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"[...] this Research Report has selected four country case studies: Sweden, Canada, the United Kingdom, and France. Obviously, other cases would have been interesting, particularly the United States. But the United States is already at the centre of other works, including by Hybrid CoE. Being divers
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e in terms of power, geopolitical situation, and systems of government, the four selected countries offer a good sample of what liberal democracies, different in colour, shape and size, can propose to counter disinformation. Finally, this Research Report will attempt to draw some general lessons from these four cases, on what an effective state response to disinformation should involve." (Page 9)
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"Media Culture in Nomadic Communities examines the ways that new technologies and ICT infrastructures have changed the communicative norms and patterns that regulate mobile and nomadic communities' engagement in local and international deliberative decision making. Each chapter examines a unique com
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municative event, such has how the Maasai of Tanzania have used online petitions to demand government action. How Mongolians in northern China have used micro blogs to record and debate land tenure. And how herding communities from around the world have supported the Lakota Sioux protests at Standing Rock. Through these case studies, Hahn argues that mobile and nomadic communities are creating and utilizing new communicative networks that are radically changing local, national, and international deliberations." (Publisher description)
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"Information and communication technologies (ICTs) are often considered crucial for teaching media and information literacy (MIL). However, there is a wide variety in educational media, and there are different competence areas in MIL. Thus, the idea that using any ICT can facilitate the fostering of
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different MIL areas equally seems oversimplified. This study investigates associations between three types of ICT use and four MIL competence areas. It analyzes data of 315 secondary teachers in Germany employing exploratory structural equation modeling. After controlling for teacher and school traits, the findings show that teachers who use the computer lab in their schools and basic computer applications tend to foster their students’ critical, safety, information, and operational competencies more often. Conversely, using ICTs that mainly serve presentation and visualization purposes has a negative or no association with fostering the four MIL areas. Finally, using mobile devices and online resources is positively associated with fostering students’ information competence. The analysis contributes to a more specific understanding of teachers’ practices with digital media. Possible implications are discussed for teachers’ practice and training as well as for research and policy." (Abstract)
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"In this book, Philip Seib, one of the world's leading experts on media and war, offers a probing analysis of the role of information in warfare from the Second World War to the present day and beyond. He focuses on some of the thorniest issues on the contemporary agenda: When untruthful and inflamm
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atory information poisons a nation's political processes and weakens its social fabric, what kind of response is appropriate? How can media literacy help citizens defend themselves against information warfare? Should militaries place greater emphasis on crippling their adversaries with information rather than kinetic force? Well-written and wide-ranging, Information at War suggests answers to key questions with which governments, journalists, and the public must grapple during the years ahead." (Back cover)
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"This article provides a case study of an information campaign directed at people of Somali decent living in the worst hit district of Oslo, the capital of Norway. The Somalis were the immigrant group most affected by the COVID-19 in Norway during the first wave of the pandemic. The campaign used se
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lected Somali-speaking ‘ambassadors’ as well as videos and network methodology to reach those within the Somali population who are least integrated into Norwegian society. The lessons learned from this case may both inform the theory of information campaigns and provide practical lessons learned for other groups in later high-risk information-need situations." (Abstract)
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"The agenda for transition after the demise of communism in the Western Balkans made the conversion of state radio and television into public service broadcasters a priority, converting mouthpieces of the regime into public forums in which various interests and standpoints could be shared and delibe
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rated. There is general agreement that this endeavor has not been a success. Formally, the countries adopted the legal and institutional requirements of public service media according to European standards. The ruling political elites, however, retained their control over the public media by various means. Can this trend be reversed? Instead of being marginalized or totally manipulated, can public service media become vehicles of genuine democratization? A comparison of public service media in seven countries (Albania, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia) addresses these important questions." (Publisher description)
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"Free speech and freedom of the media are essential to the functioning of democratic systems. However, recent decades have brought phenomena that pose a threat to media freedom. The author analyzed threats to media freedom and journalist’s security regarding resolution 2317 (2020) of the Parliamen
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tary Assembly of the Council of Europe. All Council of Europe Member States must effectively guarantee the safety of journalists, create an environment conducive to freedom of the media and prevent the misuse of laws or normative provisions that may affect this freedom, without which there is no democracy. The right of journalists to protect their sources must be guaranteed; police violence against journalists must be condemned, and sanctions against any infringement of the freedom of the media must be dissuasive. Although it is only “softlaw”, the PACE resolution may inspire the Member States to take more effective measures in this regard." (Abstract)
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"Schaut man sich die Beispiele des Umgangs mit Corona in den drei behandelten Fernsehformaten – Nachrichten, fiktive Erzählgenres und Corona-Miniserien – an, fällt eine seltsame Ausweichbewegung auf, auch dann, wenn die Pandemie selbst das Thema ist. In den Nachrichten wird die Krankheit durch
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industrielle, menschenleere Bildarrangements erzählt, im Reich der Serien und Feature-Filme wird sie gleich ganz verschwiegen, und das Nischen-TV der experimentellen Corona-Miniserien zieht sich auf eine Dramedy mit komischer Heldin zurück. In der Erzähltheorie spricht man davon, dass nur mögliche Leben (possible lives) erzählt werden können, weil lediglich im Rahmen der eigenen Kultur und ihrer Vergangenheit ein Verständnis erzeugt werden könne. Dementsprechend scheint im derzeitigen Deutschland auch die Pandemie an die Grenzen der Erzählbarkeit zu stoßen. Covid-19 ist zwar nicht die erste Seuche, die das Abendland heimgesucht hat und erzählt wurde – man denke an die Pest, die Cholera, die spanische Grippe und AIDS –, sie ist aber die erste, die gleichzeitig global verbreitet ist, globalisierte Regime und Abwehrstrategien verlangt und – welch eine Kränkung! – in den demokratischen Nationen schwerer unter Kontrolle zu bringen ist als in einigen autoritären Regimen. Das kulturelle Selbstbewusstsein des Globalen Nordens verlangt, »Herr der Lage« zu sein. Wenn das nicht möglich ist, müssen wenigstens die Opfer unsichtbar bleiben. In den Unterhaltungsgenres, in denen vom besseren Leben geträumt wird und wo das (oft nur zwischenzeitliche) Liebes-Happyend alles wieder gut macht, hat Corona mit seiner Todesdrohung und seiner Berührungslosigkeit keinen Platz. Nur in einem Nischengenre wird ausprobiert, wie ein Leben mit Gesicht, Körper und Corona erzählt werden könnte." (Epilog, Seite 285)
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"The study revealed the macro and micro media threats that come to light in the digital and physical media environments prior to and following elections. The media environment observed during the 2021 self-government elections was representative of the reality seen through the eyes of media workers,
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and it was revealed that, compared to previous years, the media environment has changed for the worse. The study confirmed that political polarization and public crises have a negative impact on the media environment and the safety of journalists in Georgia, while changes in the political landscape can have a positive impact on the media environment. It has also been demonstrated that the media themselves can reduce or enhance the effects of polarization.
The study confirmed that media threats in Georgia increase self-censorship and fear, reduce media credibility and weaken the viability of the media institution. The study revealed an additional effect of political polarization, a new tactic to combat critical media: “Use the media themselves against the journalists”, which leads to media polarization in itself, inciting conflict between journalists and exposing this macro-threat across the media field. In this regard, polarization in Georgia is an obstacle to solidarity. On the other hand, polarization has a so-called demonizing effect that can be manifested through the stigmatization of journalists by politicians, political labelling, and demolition of credibility, which ultimately harms the media.
The research confirmed that the ruling political force in Georgia uses all the components and mechanisms required to create and strengthen self-censorship of journalists. These mechanisms are: fear, impunity for crime, ridicule, discrediting, insecurity, dissemination of misinformation, etc. Enhancing journalists' self-censorship creates an invisible field of censorship in newsrooms when, for security reasons, the journalist is forced to avoid covering specific topics, sources, or facts. Critical questions are replaced by silence." (Conclusion, pages 51-52)
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"The physical and digital safety of journalists is an important parameter to assess basic conditions for a plural media environment. If one examines the situation in Germany based on the given categories, it becomes clear that there are problems in various areas. At the same time, however, ideas alr
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eady exist that could help to tackle the identified issues." (Abstract)
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"Top-down approaches have limited potential to reach long-lasting and innovative solutions for the settlement of refugees. There is a growing consensus among scholars and policy-makers that governments alone cannot solve complex societal problems, and that participation of non-government actors, sta
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keholders, media companies, civil society, and the refugee themselves is crucial to achieving more positive outcomes in the long-run. In this special issue, we seek to contribute to this growing research field by exploring the issue in a variety of contexts, using different methodologies and with a focus on the inherent linkages between media, society and political authorities in the management of migration and integration processes. Communication Research, at its diverse layers and from a wide array of topics and methods, is expected to contribute to the analysis of social, political, demographic and cultural changes, so tackling the ongoing refugee crisis in the Mediterranean area is an opportunity to connect theoretical and methodological advances with a relevant topic which certainly requires practical, technical and applied contributions. In doing so, screening the online activity turns into an additional sphere to be kept under attention, as a new space for social discussion and action. The origin of the special issue entitled ‘From fragmentation to integration: Addressing the role of communication in refugee crises and settlement processes’ is a Pre-Conference organized by the guest editors as part of the 68th Annual International Communication Association Conference held in Prague, in 2018. The main purpose of this pre-conference was to open a space for dialogue regarding the way refugee crises and integration processes are tackled by political, social and media actors, aiming to set some guidelines to avoid those mistakes previously noticed and leading to a more constructive and conscious coverage and social action. This event brought together researchers, policy advisors, NGO representatives and refugee migrants to discuss the intersections between refugee migration and communication processes. A selection of original articles that were presented at this event form the basis of this special issue. The main themes addressed in the articles of the current special issue are: (1) inclusive digital forms of literacy and activism for/with refugees; (2) local responsesto refugee crises, (re)settlement and their communication strategies; and (3) media representation of humanitarian crises and refugees in their receiving countries." (Page 4)
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"Following months of mass antigovernment demonstrations in Belarus, this report widens the focus beyond the protesters and takes stock of the views and preferences of Belarusian citizens at a critical moment. A new ZOiS survey conducted in December 2020 among Belarusians aged between 16 and 64 revea
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ls rare insights into the political and social mood across the country, trust in its institutions, the dynamics of the recent political mobilisation, and the domestic and foreign policy preferences of Belarusian citizens [...] The survey confirms the extent to which the protests were carried by private citizens, rather than organised civil society, trade unions, or churches, which played only peripheral roles. Social and online media dominate society’s news consumption, with over 70 per cent of respondents using these media as their main source of information. Belarusian state television, Russian media, and international media are used as well but are significantly less prominent as primary information sources. Trust in Belarus’s political institutions in general remains weak. Confidence has not eroded completely, but trust in all institutions is on balance negative, with very similar scores for the executive, the legislative, the judiciary, and the security apparatus. In absolute numbers, the opposition Coordination Council and the Orthodox Church are the most trusted institutions." (Executive summary)
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"Journalists around the world face immense threats for doing their job. Although compared to other regions, the situation in Europe is considerably better; many challenges need to be addressed here as well to ensure conducive conditions for the conduct of journalistic work. The present working paper
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identifies the main issues that prevent journalists from doing their job freely and safely, in particular, physical attacks, online hate speech, surveillance, smear campaigns, strategic lawsuits against public participation (SLAPPs), insufficient protection of journalistic sources and whistle-blowers, impunity and precarious economic conditions. It discusses the impact of these issues on journalists, but also their repercussions for media freedom and pluralism more broadly. By providing a snapshot of the situation in Europe and more detailed country case studies (Austria, France, Germany), the working paper aids our understanding of the scope and nature of the most pressing problems. It also collects evidence-based best practices and policies from the newsrooms and the state, which could help to formulate further recommendations for key stakeholders." (Abstract)
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