"This collection investigates and critiques the dynamism of children's lives online with contributions fielding both global and hyper-local issues, and bridging the wide spectrum of connected media created for and by children. From education to children's rights to cyberbullying and youth in challen
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ging circumstances, the interdisciplinary approach ensures a careful, nuanced, multi-dimensional exploration of children's relationships with digital media. Featuring a highly international range of case studies, perspectives, and socio-cultural contexts, The Routledge Companion to Digital Media and Children is the perfect reference tool for students and researchers of media and communication, family and technology studies, psychology, education, anthropology, and sociology, as well as interested teachers, policy makers, and parents." (Publisher description)
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"This doctoral dissertation analyzes participation in alternative media, taking the reader to the Russia of the late 2010s. Bringing together discourse theory, media and communication studies and political theory, it approaches participation in media production through the lens of performativity. Th
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e conceptualization of participation as a performance helps explore the material, embodied and spatial enactments of discourses that sustain the fragile and unstable process of production. The data of this study comprise several months of participant observations, interviews with media producers, and textual analysis of media content. The research employs a case-study method and focuses on media that explicitly delegate their participants the right to co-decide on matters of content production and internal organizing process. The three cases under study are Russia’s oldest anarchist medium Avtonom, the student medium DOXA, and the web-based zine Discours. Data analysis integrates qualitative content analysis and a discourse-theoretical approach, informed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s discourse theory alongside its subsequent developments within the Essex School. The study looks into the distribution of power in alternative media amidst an internal diversity, material constraints, and an antagonistic relationship with the state. The analysis constructs a model of participation, which shows its embeddedness into multiple and partially overlapping communities. A vibrant sociality and the potential for a further expansion of the media communities emerge as two of the key conditions of the participatory process. Furthermore, participation is supported by an ongoing performance of a multiplicity of identities, in which the more elitist articulations of journalism are intertwined with some empowering and counterhegemonic notions of media production, media producers, and the audience. Retaining a critical-explanatory focus, the dissertation explores the limits of power-sharing, such as the persistence of journalistic professionalism, the scarce resources of the media and vulnerability inflicted by the state. The static representation of the state as the major confronting force reveals the paradoxical nature of social antagonism: while mobilizing the limited resources, it also reduces participatory intensities and triggers a politics of trust that restricts access to media production. This dissertation offers a number of theoretical and empirical contributions to several fields. Some of its key insights relate to participation beyond institutional politics, the hybridity of mainstream and alternative media, the interconnection of discourse, materiality and affect, and an empirical applicability of discourse theory." (Abstract)
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"Este volumen tiene como objetivo crear un espacio transdisciplinario y abrir un diálogo crítico en torno a las posibilidades de la representación del subalterno en la edición cartonera. El fenómeno de las editoriales cartoneras surge en el contexto de la poscrisis en Argentina, cuando un grupo
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de artistas decide producir libros por su propia cuenta, con tapas de cartón reciclado, involucrar a los cartoneros —personas que colectan cartón en las calles para venderlo—, y así dar vida al proyecto “Eloísa Cartonera”. Este modelo de editorial alternativa y artesanal proliferó de manera impresionante en América Latina y fue incluso asociado —desde la academia— con una democratización y desjerarquización cultural. En un formato híbrido que reúne tanto contribuciones académicas como testimonios directos de los editores de cartoneras, esta colección invita a conocer a algunos de estos proyectos y reflexionar sobre su papel en el discurso dominante de la academia." (Editorial)
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"La comunicación alternativa –también denominada comunitaria, libre, ciudadana, del tercer sector o para el cambio social– es percibida como una hermana menor en las ciencias de la comunicación hasta padecer una triple invisibilización: en la historia social del campo, en relación con los m
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edios públicos y comerciales, y en las propias teorías de la comunicación. Desde esta premisa, el presente volumen se adentra en su conceptualización y en sus principales hitos, debates y prácticas en España desde la Transición democrática hasta la actualidad y poniendo el foco en distintos soportes mediáticos: desde la radio comunitaria al vídeo participativo y el activismo digital." (Cubierta del libro)
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"Definitions of impunity regarding crimes against journalists have thus far been too narrow. Therefore, we propose a new approach to understanding impunity as also being grounded in journalists’ lived reality and perceptions to better understand the complexity and breadth of impunity. It is based
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on the findings obtained through a set of semi-structured interviews with 40 editors and senior journalists in five countries and expressed in a new typology of impunity. We argue that what we call the ‘Politics of Impunity’ is a policy of governance whereby impunity is used as a political tool by the state and state-sponsored actors to achieve journalistic self-censorship. This is done through the deliberate deprivation of private autonomy brought about by the enforced exile of journalists into a ‘space of exception’ where they are both within and beyond the law. The exercise of the ‘Politics of Impunity’ in an increasing number of states creates an environment that only allows for politically compliant journalism." (Abstract)
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"This chapter examines the root causes, development, and corrosive effects of the progressive “capture” of influential media by populist governments and other vested interests in Central and Eastern Europe over the past 20 years. Many countries in the region have proved vulnerable to media captu
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re due to the weakness and partisan manipulation of democratic institutions in post-communist societies. In Russia, Hungary, and Poland, political forces have variously used oppressive laws and arbitrary penalties, intimidation and coercion, and regulatory and financial controls as well as inducements to gain a dominant share of media markets, advance their self-interested goals, and propagate their hold on power. The widespread instrumentalization of the media for political and economic gain represents an existential challenge to media diversity and the ethical principles of journalism, and has undermined media independence and the essential role of a free press as a public watchdog. Governments and their allies have promoted unethical practices by captive media including falsehoods and propaganda, biased reporting, intense pressures to self-censor, and smear campaigns aimed at discrediting opponents and suppressing critical voices. This analysis exposes the extent of the damage done and the immensity of the task of restoring conditions for media freedom to flourish." (Abstract)
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"Siguiendo con la conexión entre tradición e innovación, la estructura del libro parte de una aproximación teórica al concepto de audiencia y su evolución histórica para, a continuación, explicar las principales metodologías de investigación en audiencias, tanto cuantitativas como cualitat
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ivas, y analizar los sistemas de medición de la audiencia en los diferentes medios: televisión, radio, prensa e Internet. La obra ofrece una reflexión sobre los retos de futuro, con abundantes enlaces y recursos audiovisuales extra que permitan ampliar cada uno de los capítulos." (Editorial)
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"In verschiedenen Lebensbereichen stoßen Personen mit Einschränkungen auf Barrieren. Dies gilt auch für Medieninhalte. Viele Anbieter bauen Audiodeskription, Untertitelung und Gebärdenspracheinblendungen stetig weiter aus. Auch die Verwendung der „Leichten Sprache“ in Video, Audio und Text k
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ann dabei helfen, sich umfänglich zu unterhalten, zu informieren und aktiv an der Gesellschaft teilzunehmen. Die Leichte Sprache folgt bestimmten Regeln. Hierzu zählt die Verwendung kurzer Sätze, die Umschreibung von Fachbegriffen und das Meiden von Genitiv, Passivformen oder Redewendungen." (Kurz und knapp, Seite 117)
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"Russia recycled previous narratives and exacerbated tensions in Western society while attempting some propaganda about Russian scientific prowess. Russia’s approach evolved little; it recycled previous narratives, spreading a broad range of COVID-19 disinformation. Evidence supports the theory th
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at Russia seeks to strengthen itself in relative terms by weakening the West, while China seeks to strengthen itself in absolute terms. The Kremlin and the CCP learned from each other. While limited evidence exists of explicit cooperation, instances of narrative overlap and circular amplification of disinformation show that China is following a Russian playbook with Chinese characteristics. Russia is simultaneously learning from the Chinese approach. The largest difference between China and Russia’s information warfare tactics remains China’s insistence on narrative consistency, compared with Russia’s “firehose of falsehoods” strategy. Even with substantially greater resources, this largely prevents Chinese narratives from swaying public opinion or polarizing societies." (Executive summary)
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"The article argues that community development work, in the form of feminist pedagogy and community radio, can engage more women in technological roles, aid women’s confidence and mental health and possibly, improve diversity in mainstream media. In UK media, corporations are heavily criticized fo
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r their under and misrepresentation of women and, in general, their inability to engage with excluded groups. The BBC’s strategic aim is to improve inclusion and diversity by 2020. The article asserts the value of community development methods in efforts to address this. It explores concepts of voice poverty and empowerment through analysis of the narratives of twelve female community radio volunteers in Northern England.
Using Freire’s (1972) notion of ‘culture of silence’ and against the backdrop of gender inequality, the article clarifies the nature of community radio and employs a variety of literatures to understand how a feminist pedagogy (hooks, 1994) and an intersectional approach (Crenshaw, 1989) might be useful in media. It builds from Stuart Hall’s contention that media and cultural spaces can be powerful sites of social action.
Analysis of participant accounts indicates that community radio is a site of diverse identities, laughter, dialogue, raised consciousness, and conflict. This confronts not only the orthodoxy of young white, male-dominated media but also challenges romantic notions of community harmony and happiness by recognizing inherent tensions within prevailing conceptions of womanhood and within and between communities.
The article foregrounds evidence from the majority world, where community radio is well documented as giving voice to invisiblized women, and concludes with an argument for further exploration of this highly symbolic dimension of empowerment, whereby women overcome technological fears and break their silence by broadcasting diverse voices. The project challenges UK commercial and public broadcasters to learn from the global south that community radio is an effective method of development with potential to enrich the mainstream media world." (Abstract)
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"In der jüngeren Geschichte wurde wohl noch nie so deutlich die Existenz und die Wirkmacht von Verschwörungstheorien vor Augen geführt wie in der Corona-Pandemie. Was lange als Randphänomen in dunklen Nischen des Internets galt, scheint auf einmal allgegenwärtig. Von der Nachbarin bis zum Abgeo
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rdneten im US-Kongress reicht das Spektrum derer, die hinter der Pandemie ein Komplott vermuten: das Coronavirus existiere entweder gar nicht oder sei absichtlich in die Welt gesetzt worden. In beiden Varianten steckt die Vorstellung, dass die Pandemie bloß ein Vorwand einer Gruppe Verschworener sei, deren eigentliches Ziel die Errichtung einer weltumspannenden Diktatur ist. Derartige „Theorien“ werden nicht geglaubt, weil sie inhaltlich überzeugend wären. Sie werden von Menschen geglaubt, die an sie glauben wollen. Denn sie bieten eine Erklärung der Welt an, die komplexe Ereignisse und Prozesse auf eine einfache Ursache zurückführt – in der Regel die Machenschaften dunkler Mächte. Derartige Behauptungen verbreiten sich in einem Netzwerk aus Medien, vermeintlichen Expertinnen und Aktivisten, die Fakten umdeuten, aber auch „alternative“ Fakten und Statistiken – oder: alternatives Wissen – verbreiten. Anlass zur Sorge bietet nicht nur die Verbindung von Verschwörungstheorien mit Rechtsextremismus und Antisemitismus, sondern auch die Entkopplung eines Teils der Bevölkerung von der Realität." (Editorial, Seite 3)
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"The current report illuminates the scope, means, and reach of Russia’s sharp power influence through the phenomenon of media capture. It traces the regime’s malign impact on good governance and democratic development in eight Southeast European countries (EU members: Bulgaria and Croatia, as we
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ll as EU aspirants: Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Albania, and Kosovo). An understanding of the Kremlin’s media influence has been developed based on the assessment of: (1) the instruments that Russia deploys to expand its influence over public discourses; (2) the channels and narratives of Russian disinformation utilized to sway views of the West and its key institutions, the EU and NATO; (3) the impact of Kremlin narratives on societal perceptions; (4) the amplification of Russian media influence through a convergence with the disinformation activities of other authoritarian states, particularly China. The cross-country regional comparison reveals several key similarities in Russia’s media capture tactics. The Kremlin typically deploys informal instruments of influence. These are manifested in the cultivation of opaque local oligarchic networks, rather than through traceable ownership of SEE media companies. To amplify the impact of these informal tools, Russia has also leveraged the dependence of media outlets in the region on advertising revenue from Russian-owned or dependent companies to exert pressure on their editorial policy. In addition, Russian state-owned propaganda outlets make their content freely available for republishing in local languages, which facilitates the uptake of pro-Russian media content." (Executive summary)
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