"This book explores the nexus of media and memory practices in contemporary Slovenia. In the age of mediatised societies, the country’s post-socialist, post-Yugoslav present has become saturated with historical revisionism and various nostalgic framings of the past. Pušnik and Luthar have collect
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ed a wide range of case studies analysing the representation and reinterpretation of past events in newspapers, theatre, music, museums, digital media, and documentaries. The volume thus presents insights into the intricacies of the mediatisation of memory in contemporary Slovenian society. The authors engage with dynamic uses of media today and provide new analyses of media culture as archive, site of historical reinterpretation, and repository of memory." (Publisher description)
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"Spotlight report on the state of public access to information in Canada, Indonesia, Mongolia, Pakistan, Serbia, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Tanzania, Tunisia, and Ukraine prepared for the 2019 cycle of the Voluntary National Reviews and the 2019 UN High Level Political Forum." (Subtitle)
"The 2019 Europe and Eurasia Media Sustainability Index (MSI) saw another improvement in the combined average score for the 21 countries studied: In 2018, the combined average score was 1.84, and in 2019 this increased to 1.86. In comparison with the previous year’s study, there were modest gains
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at the regional level in Objectives 1 (Freedom of Speech), 2 (Professional Journalism), and 3 (Plurality); the largest increase happened in Objective 5 (Supporting Institutions), which moved from 1.99 in 2018 to 2.04 in 2019. Objective 4 (Business Management) saw a slight decline, reflecting the financial and economic challenges media across Europe and Eurasia continue to experience. At the country level, Armenia moved into the highest ranking position (by overall score) of all countries studied by the MSI with an overall score of 2.60 – powered by, in the words of the chapter’s author, “[a] momentous revolution, dubbed “velvet” by its leader, Nikol Pashinyan, [that] changed the Armenian political landscape, turned the media world upside down, and made 2018 a truly unprecedented year in Armenia’s modern history.” Following Armenia, the top five highest ranked countries included Kosovo (2.53), Albania (2.49), and Montenegro and Romania (tied at 2.45)." (Executive summary, page ix)
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"The visual presentation of the Serb accused in TV news was based on iconic images of the accused combined with symbolic images of the state and its power, with nearly complete absence of visuals of atrocities and victims. In contrast, the visual presentation of the Croatian, Bosniak and Albanian de
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fendants draws meaning mainly from sequences of images displaying victims, war destruction or attacks as “palpable” proof of crimes. This supports a sentiment of collective victimhood of the Serb population and creates the impression of the indicted persons’ guilt even after their acquittals by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Since the research project has been limited to three Serb TV channels, comparative work on TV media in other states of former Yugoslavia would be required in order to assess how ’special’ the case of Serbia is regarding these visual strategies. The much disputed legitimacy of the ICTY and the important role of media have also become obvious in focus groups interviews with students in Serbia: The students displayed a striking lack of knowledge about war crimes; nonetheless, they strongly rejected the ICTY as a biased institution. At the same time, they were perceptive of new facts and interpretations, showing that they have a genuine need to understand the past and obtain objective information. A major problem is that in their perception there are few, if any, objective, neutral institutions which to put trust in. The expert interviews, conducted in Belgrade and The Hague, underlined the critical state of mainstream TV media in Serbia: They were assessed as not really independent, driven by entertainment formats, suspect to governmental pressure and failing in their watchdog functions. The interviewees also expressed a widespread disappointment about the state of affairs of transitional justice in Serbia." (Summary)
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"The Operational Handbook for Contact Centres for online safety of children contains action guidelines as well as knowledge, procedures and rules for successful work through the helpline for providing quality assistance and support to children, youth, families, professionals, teachers and others wor
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king with children and young people on the safer and secure use of the Internet and protection of children and young people when using modern technologies, as well as reporting illegal or harmful content on the Internet (hotline). The document also contains examples of good international and regional practices on the functioning of similar centres (Safer Internet Centres). The purpose of the Operational Handbook is to analyse the work of the Safer Internet Centres and offer guidance to the National Contact Centre for online safety of children in the Republic of Serbia on how to improve its efficiency and enhance its impact. This analysis also included a wider context in which the children helplines and reporting lines function, mapped out some of the new risks that children and young people might encounter in the digital environment, as well as the necessary support and resources needed for effective response and implications for the operational efficiency." (Page 6)
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"There is seething unrest in South East Europe and immediately it is called ”Balkan Spring.” Many people are protesting in the capitals of Serbia, Montenegro, Albania and Croatia out of dissatisfaction with their governments. This frustration is targeted towards the media in these countries as w
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ell – especially the public service media which are frequently considered a mouthpiece of the government. The protesters therefore call for resignation of the general directors of the broadcasters." (Page 1)
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"This publication presents EED’s work in the area of independent media, and reflects on lessons learned in six years of media and democracy support. It offers an analysis of the worrying trends and challenges faced by media today and calls for an urgent re-set in thinking about donor support to me
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dia in the EU neighbourhood. The document also seeks to offer recommendations for the wider donor community. Key recommendations include the need for a longer-term and more coordinated approach to media support as an essential component of democratisation, recognising the high cost of quality media and the difficulties media have of surviving in increasingly distorted markets and restrictive environments [...] Over the past six years, EED has ensured a particular focus on media-based projects, funding more than 230 initiatives. This represents around one third of all initiatives supported by EED. In line with EED’s added-value philosophy, support is usually focused on areas that cannot currently get funding from other donors, such as seed funding, bridge funding and emergency support, in addition to core funding and funding provided in a discrete way. It is important to note that EED support cannot replace the need for further support from other donors [...] EED’s media work can broadly be divided into the following five thematic areas: Ensuring media pluralism; Supporting innovation; Countering disinformation; Investigative journalism and documentation; Media targeting specific audiences." (Pages 3-4)
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"One interesting trend to follow is the feminisation of the journalism profession. The trend is global but especially prominent in the countries covered by this study: the findings indicate that the gender balance is shifting in Moldova and Georgia, whereas women are now dominating among media profe
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ssionals in general in Russia and Belarus. According to the experts interviewed this is not a result of a growing sector with more women coming in but rather about an outflow of men. It seems like the journalistic profession has become less attractive (to men) due to economic restraints (lower wages) and political pressure that makes it harder to exercise independent journalism. Judging from the gender ratio in enrollment for higher education in journalism and communication (over 70 per cent women in some European countries), this trend is likely to carry on. If the curve of this graph will not change we will (again) end up with a skewed gender balance and need to consider possible implications for diversity of voices and what stories are told. The study also confirms that women are taking on more of decision-making roles, especially in regional and in independent media (in Georgia and Moldova there is no gender asymmetry according to the study). However, there is still a gender gap when it comes to distribution of power in national media with high circulation/audience, likely related to the fact that the most influential media are still most often managed by men. Interestingly enough, female respondents in Moldova had low career expectations, although in practice the study indicates that women have better chances of building a career in the media than men. In Georgia, on the other hand, female media professionals are often overqualified, and show the most dissatisfaction with their jobs. The much-debated issue of sexual harassment at work is also covered by the study. In Russia on average three out of ten of the respondents claimed to have experienced sexual harassment in job related environments. Overall, the results of the survey indicate that the journalistic profession is quite dangerous for women, because they risk being subjected to sexual harassment literally everywhere, by colleagues or superiors at the office, as well as while reporting on the ground." (Preface)
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"While global youth is often referred to as a fairly homogeneous generation of digital natives, data drawn from a survey in Jordan, Moldova, and Uganda suggests that this is not the case. Based on an instrument for measuring digital and news literacy, this paper presents a typology of five personae:
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The MIL Novice, the MIL Intermediate, the MIL Veteran, the Digital Literacy Veteran and the News Literacy Veteran. The descriptions of these five types of media users can be employed as prototypes when developing Media and Information Literacy (MIL) programs and materials for 15 to 35-year-olds." (Executive summary)
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"The Media Programme South East Europe of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS) has taken a closer look at the current situation and developments of public service media in South East Europe the last couple of months. In a current representative opinion poll, over 10 000 people from all ten countries,
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which are covered by the Media Programme, were interviewed. How important do people find public service media for democracy? How much do they trust them? How should they be financed and what content shall be broadcast? And are PSM considered politically independent? [...] Hereinafter you’ll find the summarised results for the entire region and some special findings for the individual countries." (Page 1)
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"The websites creating misinformation content in Bosnia and Herzegovina can be classified into four categories based on their financial and/or political motivations and the extent to which they provide valuable journalistic contributions. The majority of misinformation websites are motivated solely
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by profit which they generate via Google AdSense. Established media outlets engage in misinformation practices either to compete for readers' attention or on behalf of their political patrons. Two relatively secretive websites have established themselves as influential leaders in misinformative propaganda, primarily preoccupied with benefiting their political patrons rather than obtaining profits. Due to secrecy and lack of regulation, it is extremely difficult to establish the financial background of these websites." (Main findings, page 1)
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"The project seeks to restore confidence in the media in South East Europe and Turkey. The focus is on improving media accountability mechanisms, media internal governance, and media and information literacy among citizens to strengthen civil society support for the media and demand for quality medi
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a." (Page 3)
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"Convergence of services usually affects the quality and price of services offered by providers. However, this has not been the case in Romania yet. People benefit from a very competitive market and enjoy fairly cheap services, but the implications of convergence on the content made available to con
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sumers are less beneficial for citizens. If three major companies start controlling both the infrastructure and the media content, the production of good quality journalism is likely to be affected and tastes and ideas could be shaped in unexpected ways. If these companies establish ties with the political elites as well and start endorsing certain ideologies, they can start having an unwarranted impact on society. Although these concerns are now hypothetical, they are grounded in practices that could be observed already for years in Romania. Social media is becoming increasingly influential as a source of information, with more than two-thirds of Romanians getting their news from Facebook, YouTube and other social media platforms. Recent debates surrounding fake news have prompted calls for regulation of the online media in a similar way broadcast activities have been regulated for decades. Civil society organizations have been critical of such initiatives, fearing that they could pave the way to the reintroduction of censorship disguised as user protection." (Page 4)
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"The advertising market in Albania is relatively small, especially in regard to the large number of media that exist in the country. The market clearly favours televisions, which receive the lion’s share of the advertising. While the print media is in continuous decline, online media’s advertisi
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ng share has increased significantly, even though the role of the television in absorbing advertising funds is as strong as it has ever been. The radio continues to have its own small, but consolidated niche in this advertising market. The transparency in the media market in Albania continues to be low; both in terms of measurement of audience on one hand, and, consequently, on the criteria used to allocate advertising, on the other hand. Similarly, the strengthening of new actors in the media scene, such as advertising agencies, and partner companies of the media outlets, further complicates the range of factors that affect media outlets’ economy. As a consequence, in the absence of a powerful advertising market or the alternative tools for economically supporting the media, all of these factors to some extent affect also the editorial policy and media content served to the public." (Conclusion, page 53)
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"The survey discovers that the Albanian public, in its overwhelming majority, considers that the media has great importance for the democracy of a country. However, although they recognize the very important role of the media vis-à-vis democracy, about half of respondents say that Albanian media ha
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ve served democracy and public interest somewhat. The surveyed Albanian public also considers that media in Albania are partially free. This perception and evaluation are in line with Freedom House and other international institutions, which classify Albanian media as partially free. Respondents said that the three greatest problems for Albanian media are: 1. Bias, partisanship, and political clientelism; 2. dependence on business interests of media owners, and 3. verbal violence and physical threats toward journalists. The prevalence of such very serious problems for the functioning of the media and the fulfillment of its public mission explains the fact why Albanian media are partially free. On the other hand, the presence of such issues at the top of the list of problems demonstrates serious shortcomings and challenges with regard to aspects of their freedom and independence." (Summary)
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"This study focused on creating a picture of the local media in the country, by analyzing the main institutional players, the problems that they are facing, the status of the local journalists, as well as prospects for the future. The objective of this study was the identification of the whole unive
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rse of the local media, as well as the mapping of the local media. Convinced that the mapping of the local media will serve as an important basis for the launch of other in-depth studies, we have carefully analyzed the majority of available sources from which we could collect information on the local media landscape [...] The effects of the lengthy Albanian transition are clearly visible in the way the local media have been developing. During these three decades of free press, the local media in Albania have not managed to build a sustainable business model and have been continuously fighting for their survival in the market. The small markets, poor economic development, and a lack of media literacy in many local communities in the country, have made the job even harder for these media. Besides these problems, local media operators also have had to face the transformative power of technology at a time when they still had not perfected their model of management. The proliferation of web-based media publications, the social media, and lately the switch to digital broadcasting have found these media unprepared." (Conclusions, page 51-53)
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