"Während des kriegerischen Zerfalls von Jugoslawien und der Bildung neuer Nationalstaaten entstand in der Region ein reges Dokumentarfilmschaffen, das sich den dominanten Rhetoriken der Politik entgegenstellte. Anhand dieses Filmkorpus untersucht die Studie die Bedingungen der Filmproduktion und -r
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ezeption vor dem Hintergrund der komplexen politischen Zusammenhänge und fragt nach den Möglichkeiten der gesellschaftlichen Aktivierung. Die Autorin zeigt, wie die Filme mittels innovativer formalästhetischer Strategien die Widersprüche der existierenden Verhältnisse in ihrer unüberschaubaren Vielschichtigkeit aufdeckten und so die Reflexion der Zuschauer*innen anzuregen versuchten. Ihre präzisen Analysen führen sie zu Erkenntnissen darüber, wie politisch-aktivierende Dokumentarfilme eine zukünftige Realität evozieren, die als eine ‹sich formende› gedacht werden muss. Zudem rückt die Studie ein Filmschaffen in den Blick, das bislang kaum die ihm gebührende Aufmerksamkeit erhalten hat." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The Balkans Media Assistance Program (BMAP) (2017 – 2021, $8 million) is a USAID funded initiative focused on making media more competitive in local and regional marketplaces and strengthening the sustainability of the independent media sector across the Balkans, particularly in the digital space
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." (Overview)
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"This thesis involves an analysis based on the theory of peace and war journalism to show how these theories express themselves in a conflict area. By taking two major media outlets during the war in Bosnia – Borba (Struggle) and Open Broadcast Network (OBN) – as case study this thesis will expl
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ore the way war and peace journalism and the Galtung dichotomy function in practice. In order to better understand the substance of peace journalism, a qualitative content analysis of articles and reports was conducted. The local newspapers and TV broadcasts in the beginning of the war displayed a powerful war journalism framing whereas toward the end of the conflict the coverage of OBN – established with the assistance of international community – exposes a more hopeful peace journalism framing. The most outstanding peace journalism signs are: an unbiased approach, all-parties coverage, and avoidance of dehumanizing language. The war journalism frame is driven by a present focus orientation, a separation of good and evil and an elite angle. The literature on peace and war journalism puts forward the fact that the current media are a key concern to the media and public experts, combatants and contain a perceptive impact on shifting the focus to the conflict field. By using Galtung’s (1998) peace and war journalism frames indicators, Borba and OBN were tested to help see the difference between war and peace journalism in practice. Findings suggest that a third possibility exist, considering that both OBN and Borba have often shown merely objective-reporting signs without making themselves a good fit to Galtung’s dichotomous model of peace journalism. The belief that there is a clear distinction between peace and war journalism is theoretically derived, which was proved in the Bosnian case where the lines are blurred." (Abstract)
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"In the western Balkans, where post-war societies are still trying to rebuild their lives, and tensions lie just below the surface, media messages influenced by the politics of the day are destabilizing. For some, this is poorly disguised propaganda, a kind of political “spin”, “spun” by man
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y of the same political elites who were in power in the 1990s and delivered to the public by the mainstream media. In doing so the media is perpetuating divisive rhetoric, and not allowing societies to have reprieve from, or reflect on their traumatic pasts. In this kind of environment, the space for journalists and actors to investigate all sides of a complex story, and to report on present and past events based on facts, in turn challenging dominant societal narratives, is limited. And not only limited, but dangerous. In this 13th edition of Balkan Perspectives, authors from academia, journalism and law, Dafina Halili, Dinko Gruhonjic, Dushica Nofitoska, Dr. Lejla Tutcilo, Sara Velaga, Serbeze Haxhiaj, Teofil Pancic, and Zhaneta Zdravkovska, reflect on the current state of media in the region, the structures supporting it, and what could change to give space and attention to all sides of a story, in order to challenge dominant interpretations of the past and bring about constructive discourse on these topics." (Editorial, page 5)
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"This study was specfically intended to: 1. provide comprehensive insight into the public’s media consumption patterns, and its underlying causes: a) values; b) needs and interests, particularly regarding media content; c) motivation and aspirations, with specific emphasis on buying media content;
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d) financial functioning and attitudes towards different types of payment systems, etc. and 2. provide comprehensive analysis and recommendations to inform the Strengthening Media Systems Activity (SMS) programmatic approach in all aspects of media sustainability, as well as to inform organizational and business strategies and tactics of different types of media outlets on the local, regional and national levels. The research implemented in 2019 combined a variety of methods (both quantitative and qualitative) and techniques (a face-to-face-survey and computer-assisted web interviewing, or CAWI), and targeted a number of groups – a representative sample of 1500 respondents age 15 to 65 for the face-to-face survey, a sample of 100 daily internet users for web interviews, and 96 internet and local media users aged 15 to 65 for the 12 focus group discussions in Belgrade, Niš, Kragujevac, Novi Sad, Sombor, Loznica, and Zajecar. The key aim of the research was to gain an in-depth understanding of the needs, habits, and expectations of the audience, in order to facilitate rational and informed discussion about the media sector and public attitudes; and strategic decision-making by media businesses, with the starting assumption that understanding audience needs and profiling target groups constitutes integral parts of any media business strategy in terms of both preparing and formatting media content. Thus, the study was structured to facilitate the achievement of SMS objectives and to provide directions for SMS strategic and operational interventions in the following areas: 1. Content production and editorial policy, 2. Content sources and formats, 3. Interaction and community involvement, and 4. Financial sustainability." (Abstract, page 2-3)
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"Nos encontramos ante un hecho incuestionable: desde hace décadas el proceso de concentración mediática es la norma en los estados contemporáneos y el poder político se ve supeditado a las líneas editoriales de los oligopolios mediáticos que tratan de conducir y representar a la opinión púb
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lica desde la opinión publicada. Así, las corporaciones de medios se han convertido en armas de propaganda de un modelo que se resiste al cambio y son el sustento del imaginario imperante en torno a la felicidad proporcionada por el consumo. La ausencia de regulaciones efectivas y la concentración mediática rompe el equilibrio de poderes que define a los sistemas democráticos. Transparencia mediática, oligopolios y democracia ¿Quién nos cuenta el cuento? pretende desvelar esta situación mediante la aplicación del Indicador de Rentabilidad Social en Comunicación (IRSCOM®) desarrollado por Laboratorio de Comunicación y Cultura (COMAndalucía) de la Universidad de Málaga, una herramienta que busca hacer transparente el comportamiento de los medios y permitir la introducción de mejoras mediante el reflejo de sus fortalezas y debilidades, posibilitando asimismo la implementación de políticas públicas eficaces en pos de la transparencia mediática y la rentabilidad social de la Comunicación. La obra acomete en una primera parte el estudio de la situación del mercado de medios radifónicos y de televisión en España y, en una segunda parte, el diagnóstico de situación en buen número de países latinoamericanos y de la Europa mediterránea que permitan la aplicación de este indicador en sus respectivos países. «Relevar los déficits democráticos, resaltar sus fallos normativos y de control, es ya iniciar el camino para la fijación de unas alternativas democráticas en políticas públicas de comunicación." (Prólogo de Enrique Bustamante)
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"In den 1980er Jahren verstärkte sich das Unbehagen an der Gedenkkultur mit ihren Heldenerzählungen und nationalen Beschränkungen. Mit der größeren Komplexität des Gedenkens und der Hinwendung zu den sozialen Kosten historischer Ereignisse prägte sich eine neue Erinnerungskultur aus. Diese is
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t kein abgeschlossenes Modell. In diesem Prozess wandeln sich die Wahrnehmung der Vergangenheit sowie die zukunftsgerichteten Zwecke des Gedenkens." (Seite 17)
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"From a normative standpoint the media are usually seen as one of the pillars of a national integrity system, entrusted with the tasks of exposing and preventing acts of corruption and educating the public of the harm caused by corruption. Nevertheless, corruption continues to be one of the most sig
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nificant challenges that Europe faces, undermining citizens' trust in democratic institutions and weakening the accountability of political leadership. Evidence suggests that in fragile EU democracies such as Bulgaria, despite more than eight years of full membership and numerous preventive measures, corruption is rife and the press is hardly capable of exposing abuses of power or authority. On the contrary - drawing on in-depth interviews with 35 Bulgarian journalists - this paper argues that since communism collapsed in the late 1980s the media in post-communist societies such as Bulgaria has gradually become an instrument to promote and defend private vested interests, and is plagued by corruption. Senior journalists and editors cast serious doubt over the ability of the post-communist free press and journalism to act as a watchdog for society." (Abstract)
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"Despite the efforts of the news industry, we find only a small increase in the numbers paying for any online news – whether by subscription, membership, or donation. Growth is limited to a handful of countries mainly in the Nordic region (Norway 34%, Sweden 27%) while the number paying in the US
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(16%) remains stable after a big jump in 2017. • Even in countries with higher levels of payment, the vast majority only have ONE online subscription – suggesting that ‘winner takes all’ dynamics are likely to be important. One encouraging development though is that most payments are now ‘ongoing’, rather than one-offs. In some countries, subscription fatigue may also be setting in, with the majority preferring to spend their limited budget on entertainment (Netflix/Spotify) rather than news. With many seeing news as a ‘chore’, publishers may struggle to substantially increase the market for high-priced ‘single title’ subscriptions. As more publishers launch pay models, over two-thirds (70%) of our sample in Norway and half (50%) in the United States now come across one or more barriers each week when trying to read online news. In many countries, people are spending less time with Facebook and more time with WhatsApp and Instagram than this time last year. Few users are abandoning Facebook entirely, though, and it remains by far the most important social network for news. Social communication around news is becoming more private as messaging apps continue to grow everywhere. WhatsApp has become a primary network for discussing and sharing news in non-Western countries like Brazil (53%) Malaysia (50%), and South Africa (49%). People in these countries are also far more likely than in the West to be part of large WhatsApp groups with people they don’t know – a trend that reflects how messaging applications can be used to easily share information at scale, potentially encouraging the spread of misinformation. Public and private Facebook Groups discussing news and politics have become popular in Turkey (29%) and Brazil (22%) but are much less used in Western countries such as Canada (7%) or Australia (7%). Concern about misinformation and disinformation remains high despite efforts by platforms and publishers to build public confidence. In Brazil 85% agree with a statement that they are worried about what is real and fake on the internet." (Summary, page 9)
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"What is the role of the news media in telling the story of the 2010s refugee crisis at a time of deepening crisis for journalism, as “fake news” ran rampant amid an increasingly distrustful public? This volume offers students, scholars, and the general reader original research and candid frontl
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ine insights to understand the intersecting influences of journalistic practices, news discourses, public opinion, and policymaking on one of the most polarizing issues of our time. Focusing on current events in Greece, Austria, and Germany – critical entry and destination countries – it introduces a groundbreaking dialogue between elite national and international media, academic institutions, and civil society organizations, revealing the complex impacts of the news media on the thorny sociopolitical dilemmas raised by the integration of hundreds of thousands of asylum seekers in EU countries." (Publisher description)
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"Artificial intelligence (AI) is now receiving unprecedented global attention as it finds widespread practical application in multiple spheres of activity. But what are the human rights, social justice and development implications of AI when used in areas such as health, education and social service
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s, or in building “smart cities”? How does algorithmic decision making impact on marginalised people and the poor? This edition of Global Information Society Watch (GISWatch) provides a perspective from the global South on the application of AI to our everyday lives. It includes 40 country reports from countries as diverse as Benin, Argentina, India, Russia and Ukraine, as well as three regional reports. These are framed by eight thematic reports dealing with topics such as data governance, food sovereignty, AI in the workplace, and so-called “killer robots”. While pointing to the positive use of AI to enable rights in ways that were not easily possible before, this edition of GISWatch highlights the real threats that we need to pay attention to if we are going to build an AI-embedded future that enables human dignity." (Back cover)
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"A key element of the guidebook are the follow-up questions, which can guide us in the right direction when children feature in our stories. Some of the questions focus on written rules—for example, making sure we have complied with all the laws—but others target the “unwritten” rules, the t
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erritory of ethics and morality. Questions of the latter type are not always straightforward and may require us to try putting ourselves in the place of the child, imagining how they feel or how our actions might affect their feelings. As the popular phrase goes, we must “walk in their shoes." (Page 3)
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"This book gives an overview of public service media in South East Europe; referring to the ten countries, which the Media Programme of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung covers. From Croatia to North Macedonia and Bulgaria to the Republic of Moldova, liberalised media markets have emerged following the c
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ollapse of socialism and its state-controlled media systems. State broadcasters have become public service media. For the first time, essential information about individual public broadcasters is being gathered. Media experts from the respective countries write, among other things, about the history, the legal framework, the financing model and organisational structures in place. The chapters are supplemented with the results of a recent representative opinion poll commissioned by the Media Programme and conducted by the research institute Ipsos. We have asked the same six questions in all ten countries. In the results summarised for the entire region, two answers are very clear: almost 70 percent of respondents say that public service media are important for democracy. Unfortunately, almost 65 percent see these channels under political influence. In South Europe, in particular, this discrepancy becomes visible and audible at demonstrations when people take to the streets against their government. Then usually public service media are focus of protests and have been criticised as mouthpieces of the government." (Preface)
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"People across 27 countries are divided on whether they trust traditional media (magazines and newspapers, TV and radio). These sources are equally trusted as they are distrusted. However, levels of trust in media sources vary greatly at the country level. Trust in traditional media is perceived to
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have decreased over the past five years. This survey shows two main contributing factors: the prevalence of fake news and doubts about media sources’ good intentions. Online media websites are slightly less trusted than traditional media, but trust in them is not reported to have dropped as extensively over the past five years. Proximity to people matters. People are most trusting of other people they know them personally. Furthermore, personal relationships are the only source of news and information that is perceived to have gained in trustworthiness over the past five years. Opinions vary widely across countries as to whether public broadcasters can be trusted more than private ones, depending on how broadcasting services are organized and controlled." (Key findings)
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"This book investigates the role of media and communication in processes of democratization in different political and cultural contexts. Struggles for democratic change are periods of intense contest over the transformation of citizenship and the reconfiguration of political power. These democratiz
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ation conflicts are played out within an increasingly complex media ecology where traditional modes of communication merge with new digital networks, thus bringing about multiple platforms for journalists and political actors to promote and contest competing definitions of reality. The volume draws on extensive case study research in South Africa, Kenya, Egypt and Serbia to highlight the ambivalent role of the media as force for democratic change, citizen empowerment, and accountability, as well as driver of polarization, radicalization and manipulation." (Publisher description)
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