"These book’s articles are the result of the First Conference on Digital Literacy, Citizenship and Disinformation in Times of Pandemic, jointly organised by the UNESCO Regional Office in Montevideo, Uruguay, and the Public Defender’s Office of Audience Rights. Five thousand people participated i
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n the event, either following the live streaming or visualising the recordings afterwards [...] The main purpose of the meeting was to bring together researchers, academics, public policy managers, community and private organizations, to share experiences and knowledge on Media and Information Literacy (MIL); to synthesise experiences on MIL development, disinformation and hate speech in pandemics; to systematise the effects of the pandemic on the education system with different actors involved and to prepare proposals for the development of future public policies. Among other results, this meeting led to this book, which we are now pleased to introduce. As a result of this Conference, the Public Defender's Office also carried out a survey with elementary and high school teachers from all over the country, as part of a supporting plan about communication in conventional media and digital platforms. This survey confirmed that a very high proportion of the respondents state they need training on this subject for their work. When confronted with the question “Do you think you need more training in Communication Media and Technologies?” 88.3% of the participants answered affirmatively, and only 11.7% said “no”, according to preliminary results." (Introduction, page 19-20)
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"Populists and the Pandemic examines the responses of populist political actors and parties in 22 countries around the globe to the Covid-19 pandemic, in terms of their attitudes, rhetoric, mobilization repertoires, and policy proposals. The responses of some populist leaders have received much publ
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ic attention, as they denied the severity of the public health crisis, denigrated experts and data, looked for scapegoats, encouraged protests, questioned the legitimacy of liberal institutions, spread false information, and fueled conspiracies. But how widespread are those particular reactions? How much variation is there? What explains the variation that does exist? This volume considers these questions through critical analysis of countries in the Americas, Europe, Asia, and Africa, by leading experts with deep knowledge of their respective cases. Some chapters focus on populist parties, others on charismatic populist leaders. Some countries examined are democracies, others autocracies. Some populists are left-wing, others right-wing. Some populists are in government, others in opposition. This variation allows for a panoramic consideration of factors that systematically influence or mediate populist responses to the pandemic. The book thus makes a unique contribution to our understanding of the intersection between two of the most pressing social and political challenges of our time. The book will be of interest to all those researching populism, extremism, and political parties, and those more broadly interested in political science, public policy, sociology, communications, and economics." (Publisher description)
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"[Este libro] condensa textos elaborados por mujeres que llevan adelante proyectos colectivos, gestionan, producen, investigan, aprenden y enseñan. Recirculan la palabra desde la experiencia pero, también, desde la teoría comunicacional [...] Sobresale una convicción: no es posible transformar e
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l mundo sin transformarnos entre nosotras y nosotros. Por eso mismo, lejos del tono celebratorio o autocomplaciente, las autoras nos señalan los desafíos de las experiencias de comunicación popular. Ofrecen un balance crudo. Sin omitir errores ni contradicciones." (Cubierta del libro)
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"This research utilizes the theoretical framework of the protest paradigm to analyze how major TV channels and newspapers in Chile and Colombia covered-on their official X (Twitter) accounts-the massive 2019 protests. The paper collected data using the software Crimson Hexagon(CH), a social media an
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alysis software that accesses all public messages posted on Twitter, and then conducted a manual content analysis to fully explore the adherence to the paradigm in digital environments, including audience interactions with media content. Results show that chosen media outlets take mainly the riotand confrontation frames to delegitimize protesters, partially influencing the reaction of audiences who engaged with those diminishing devices. A further analysis demonstrates how deeply intertwined the media are with the status quo and elites. In addition, legacy media, particularly TV, seem to fall into a systematic delegitimization of social protest. This research is valuable as it enhances the understanding of media portrayals of protests in Latin America given the new dynamics of news engagement on social media." (Abstract)
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"In the discussion of possible solutions to the business crisis facing legacy media, insufficient attention has been paid to existing arrangements that channel public money to media serving marginalised audiences, particularly in Global South countries. Argentina and South Africa are upper middle-in
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come, often turbulent countries that have set up official mechanisms to help fund local and community media. They are here compared with Norway, where such mechanisms are a key, long-standing element in a media system that is often held up as the gold standard of public communication. Three main mechanisms are compared: indirect subsidy, direct subsidy and government advertising. Differences in political and media history and landscape have led to variations in the relative importance of the various mechanisms, the media platforms targeted and the institutional arrangements. It is argued that arrangements for public support must be understood and designed in context, are always politically driven, must be safeguarded against political interference, and should be long-term and redistributive in approach." (Abstract)
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"Bringing together 14 journalism scholars from around the world, this edited collection addresses the deficit of coverage of violence against women in the Global South by examining the role of the legacy press and social media that report on and highlight ways to improve reporting. Authors investiga
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te the ontological limitations which present structural and systemic challenges for journalists who report on the normalization of violence against women in country cases in Argentina; Brazil; Mexico; Indonesia; Kenya, Nigeria, South Africa; Egypt; Libya, Syria, and Yemen. Challenges include patriarchal forces; gender imbalance in newsrooms; propaganda and censorship strategies by repressive, hyper-masculine, and populist political regimes; economic and digital inequities; and civil and transnational wars. Presenting diverse conceptual, methodological, and empirical chapters, the collection offers a revision of existing frameworks and guidelines and aims to promote more gender-sensitive, trauma-informed, solutions-driven, and victim or survivor centered reporting in the region." (Publisher description)
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"This book showcases the online activism of women's groups around the world in the post-#MeToo era, and presents an overview of the diversity of its current expressions. The focus of this book extends beyond campaigns against rape culture to include women's struggles on other political and environme
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ntal issues, such as the campaign against the radical right-wing in Austria. Moreover, the book's chapters highlight the genuine complexity of the efforts of women activists who are not only challenging the patriarchal order within male-controlled digital platforms but are also challenging the hegemonic voices within the women's movements. The book's case studies attest to the proliferation of digital campaigns aimed not only against discrimination of women but against discrimination based on their color, age, ethnicity, and nationality. The internet helps them to voice their agenda and strive for social change as well as to create both connective and collective identities." (Publisher description)
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"El libro “Pluralismo TV. Medición y análisis del pluralismo en la televisión chilena” busca contribuir al debate sobre el pluralismo mediático, revisando el marco jurídico nacional, proponiendo una operacionalización de la medición del pluralismo informativo en la televisión y discutien
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do los resultados de su aplicación. Se incluyen, también, recomendaciones para la implementación de las obligaciones legales sobre pluralismo y su traducción en políticas públicas que permitan una mayor democratización de la pantalla y de la industria televisiva. Esta obra es resultado de un trabajo interdisciplinario que surge de la intersección entre comunicaciones, las ciencias sociales y el derecho, abordando distintas facetas del problema: teórica, política, regulatoria, metodológica y empírica." (Descripción de la casa editorial)
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"With 30 million readers, and paying digital subscribers surging past 700,000, Clarín has the distinction of having the largest number of paid digital users for any news publisher in Latin America." (Introduction)
"Wie einst im ursprünglichen Gothic die verlassenen Schlösser des Feudalismus als Orte des Spuks in die bürgerliche Ära hineinragten, so sind es heute die globalen Ruinen des geplatzten Traums von Freiheit, Gleichheit und Brüderlichkeit, in denen das Grauen haust: Von den vom Immobiliencrash ge
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zeichneten Vororten Detroits (Barbarian, 2022) bis zu den bleivergifteten Ufern des Riachuelo in Buenos Aires. Das sind düstere Aussichten: Eine Vergangenheit, die, wie Marx schrieb, »wie ein Alp auf dem Gehirne der Lebenden« lastet und eine Zukunft, in der wir, wie David Cronenberg zeigt, Plastik fressen müssen (Crimes of the Future, 2022). Der »Train to Busan« (2016) rast mit Hochgeschwindigkeit, doch auch am Zielbahnhof lauern die Zombies – und weil jede*r um das eigene Überleben kämpft, liegt der Griff nach der Notbremse fern. Da wird es unheimlich, oder im Sinne der Wortbedeutung: un-heimelig. Den das Un-heimliche verweist gerade auch auf den Schrecken, der hinter dem Vertrauten lauert. Und weil auf den Schrecken der Normalität zu verweisen immer schon Anliegen der iz3w ist, proklamieren wir: Gespenster aller Länder, vereinigt euch! Die Frage, was Horror und Gesellschafskritik verbindet, vertieft im Einleitungsartikel Georg Seeßlen (Seite 23). Danach bleiben wir dem globalen Spuk anhand ausgewählter Beispiele auf der Spur: Wie die argentinische Literatur Horrormotive nutzt, um die Schrecken von Diktatur und Postdiktatur auszudrücken, zeigt Nikolas Grimm (Seite 26). Dass sich realer und fiktiver Schrecken oft in nichts nachstehen, betont Rosaly Magg am Beispiel vom Horror der Flucht und Migration (Seite 36). Dazu gibt es zwei schaurige Interviews: mit dem Autor Mark H. Harris über Horror und Rassismus in den USA (Seite 32); und was Dracula in Istanbul treibt, erklärt uns der Regisseur Cem Kaya (Seite 40)." (Editorial, Seite 22)
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