"El análisis de la información disponible sobre ocho indicadores de concentración en Internet en Uruguay muestra que en casi todas ellas unas pocas empresas tienen una posición dominante en el mercado o servicio relevado." (Conclusiones, página 16)
"El CNTV necesita comprender en profundidad el vínculo emocional y significados atribuidos a la TV abierta desde la prespectiva de la confianza, identificando los atributos más relevantes que componen esta predisposición, para luego medirlos cuantitativamente. Para ésto Brinca ejecutó un estudi
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o exploratorio de diseño mixto (cualitativo y cuantitativo) basado en la ejecución de focus groups y una encuesta con audiencias pertenecientes a todo el territorio nacional. Este informe sistematiza los resultados de la fase cualitativa y cuantitativa del estudio y concluye que a nivel general existe un panorama de desconfianza hacia la TV abierta, el cual coexiste con una relevante predisposición a consumir sus contenidos. El informe finaliza con un modelo multivariable de este fenómeno, del cual se desprenden conjunto de recomendaciones accionables por parte de los canales de televisión abierta." (Resumen ejecutivo)
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"Este artículo tiene como objetivo caracterizar las lógicas que moldean la construcción de perfiles e identidades digitales utilizadas por los y las adolescentes como parte de sus interacciones en redes sociales en Chile. Al usar una aproximación cuantitativa que incluyó la adaptación y valida
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ción de instrumentos estandarizados, se indagó por las prácticas y estrategias utilizadas en la construcción de dichos perfiles en una muestra de estudiantes secundarios chilenos/as (N=892). Los resultados señalan que los y las adolescentes reportan un grado significativo de autenticidad en la presentación del “yo” en las redes, con importantes diferencias según sexo, que muestran cómo los códigos y normas offline son reapropiadas en el espacio digital." (Resumen)
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"Theoretical scholarship on media democratisation neglects the role of representing groups in civil society, which in new democracies emerging from authoritarian regimes are frequently marginalised. These groups may also contest the form of democracy that has been implemented, and the way in which i
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t deals with key transitional issues such as past human rights violations. This study focuses on how such groups are represented in one postauthoritarian society: Uruguay, which returned to democracy in 1985. Through examining media access for civil society groups in the newspaper coverage of two critical plebiscites on transitional justice issues (1989 and 2009), combined with interviews with journalists and civil society representatives, it argues that there are significant barriers to media access for civil society actors in the return to democracy, which relate both to changes during the democratisation process and domestic journalistic norms. This signals the need for both greater attention to the normative media role of representation during processes of democratisation and a more critical approach to media democratisation theory." (Abstract)
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"In March 2015, a group of feminist writers and academics in Argentina organized a marathon reading event to protest femicide, using the slogan “Ni Una Menos.” Less than three months later, more than 250,000 Argentines participated in the first #NiUnaMenos demonstration in Buenos Aires. Since th
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en, #NiUnaMenos has transformed into a transnational feminist movement and has shifted the conversation about gender violence in digital and physical spaces. Drawing from critical discourse analysis and feminist theory, this article examines the discursive strategies employed by #NiUnaMenos. It analyzes key texts from the months leading up to the first demonstration and argues that these texts were strategically constructed as “sites of struggle” in order to reach diverse groups. The analysis reveals four discursive dichotomies in which the movement’s discourse oscillates between seemingly opposing ideas and channels. This discursive oscillation allowed #NiUnaMenos to reach the masses and, in turn, spark a cultural shift toward gender equality." (Abstract)
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"Este proyecto tiene dos objetivos principales: por un lado, realizar un análisis sobre las coberturas periodísticas de femicidios y hechos de violencia de género en diferentes medios de comunicación de todo el país y, por otra parte, indagar cuál es el impacto que este tipo de noticias genera
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en la opinión pública. Para desarrollarlo, se integraron dos técnicas de indagación de carácter cuali-cuantitativas: A. En primer lugar, se relevaron noticias sobre femicidios y hechos de violencia de género para analizar a continuación su abordaje y tratamiento. Se trata de noticias publicadas en medios masivos de comunicación argentinos: televisivos, radiales, gráficos y online. Entre ellos, se incluyeron medios de diferentes zonas del país que cuentan con el rol de la editora de género. Las noticias analizadas tratan sobre 10 femicidios, 5 intentos de femicidios y el relato de 5 mujeres que contaron su historia de violencia de género en los medios. B. En segundo término, se realizó un sondeo a fin de indagar el impacto que generan las noticias sobre femicidios y los hechos de violencia por motivos de género en la opinión pública." (Acerca del estudio, página 6)
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"The environmental crisis and more recently climate emergency have driven news media outlets to create editorial brands that specifically cover these topics. To make itself heard in a market for environmental news that is increasingly dominated by global media outlets, La Nación (Argentina) has lev
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eraged its reporting on the topic by developing a novel editorial brand focused on environmental data journalism: “Proyecto Naturaleza.” Through the lens of data journalism and collaborative journalism, this article relies on methods such as participant observation and indepth interviews to understand the practices, norms, and routines adopted by La Nación to produce data journalism focused on environmental topics. The results indicate three specific pillars for such journalism: climate change, biodiversity, and audience participation. The team sets an agenda based on these topics in light of annual events or large celebrations, resulting in a calendar of proposed activities (the production of data stories or crowdsourcing actions). The data team holds meetings with different individuals and organizations from different sectors to identify distinct perspectives on environmental issues to discuss undertakings and collaborate as needed with these actors. La Nación also emphasizes involving audiences on a deeper level, ransforming their traditional role as passive recipient into active participant." (Abstract)
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"El artículo presenta una propuesta multidimensional de medición del pluralismo informativo en distintos programas de TV abierta: noticieros centrales, matinales y programas de opinión y debate, así como los resultados de su aplicación en Chile. El instrumento está compuesto de 6 dimensiones:
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diversidad, editorialidad, concentración, propiedad, percepción y alcance. La hipoìtesis es que una adecuada medición del pluralismo televisivo requiere de distintas dimensiones de análisis, que incluyen aspectos de la programación, las audiencias y la televisión como mercado. Tras dos pruebas piloto, la aplicación del instrumento mostró como resultado un bajo pluralismo en los programas analizados que se expresa en la homogeneidad de contenidos (temas, fuentes, partidos políticos), en un contexto de alta concentración de la audiencia y la inversión publicitaria en los canales con peor puntaje. Estos hallazgos plantean preguntas y propuestas sobre la TV pública y la institucionalidad reguladora del sector en el actual escenario de cambio constitucional." (Resumen)
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"(No) es la comunicación… es la política cuenta cómo los gobiernos han dejado la dirección de la política, la economía y la sociedad a la comunicación. 24 autores en 13 países del continente americano escribieron sobre el uso de la comunicación en tiempos de pandemia. Los textos señalan
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cómo, durante la pandemia, las estrategias de comunicación priorizaron “vender” los atributos y personalidades de los líderes que gobernaban por encima de construir ciudad y ciudadanos. Aunque queda claro que la comunicación es fundamental en el manejo de las crisis de gobierno es realmente la política la que dirige la estrategia pública y construye la vida colectiva de un país. No todo puede ser comunicación. En este libro se argumenta que es la política la que hace a la democracia. Creer que 'comunicar es gobernar' es un error." (Cubierta del libro)
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"Trust in the news has fallen in almost half the countries in our survey, and risen in just seven, partly reversing the gains made at the height of the Coronavirus pandemic. On average, around four in ten of our total sample (42%) say they trust most news most of the time. Finland remains the countr
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y with the highest levels of overall trust (69%), while news trust in the USA has fallen by a further three percentage points and remains the lowest (26%) in our survey.
• Consumption of traditional media, such as TV and print, declined further in the last year in almost all markets (pre-Ukraine invasion), with online and social consumption not making up the gap. While the majority remain very engaged, others are turning away from the news media and in some cases disconnecting from news altogether. Interest in news has fallen sharply across markets, from 63% in 2017 to 51% in 2022.
• Meanwhile, the proportion of news consumers who say they avoid news, often or sometimes, has increased sharply across countries. This type of selective avoidance has doubled in both Brazil (54%) and the UK (46%) over the last five years, with many respondents saying news has a negative effect on their mood. A significant proportion of younger and less educated people say they avoid news because it can be hard to follow or understand – suggesting that the news media could do much more to simplify language and better explain or contextualise complex stories.
• In the five countries we surveyed after the war in Ukraine had begun, we find that television news is relied on most heavily – with countries closest to the fighting, such as Germany and Poland, seeing the biggest increases in consumption. Selective news avoidance has, if anything, increased further – likely due to the difficult and depressing nature of the coverage.
• Global concerns about false and misleading information remain stable this year, ranging from 72% in Kenya and Nigeria to just 32% in Germany and 31% in Austria. People say they have seen more false information about Coronavirus than about politics in most countries, but the situation is reversed in Turkey, Kenya, and the Philippines, amongst others." (Summary, page 10)
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"Journalists in Mexico and Argentina are working hard to revolutionise the way women are represented in the news media but the media industry itself needs to look at how it treats women in the newsroom. Monica Cole interviewed 15 journalists to chronicle the ways representation is changing, and the
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challenges faced by those leading the charge." (Page 1)
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"En Argentina la libertad de expresión está garantizada oficialmente desde la sanción de la primera constitución en 1853. Los medios de comunicación operan en un marco formal de libertad, no exenta de presiones por parte del Estado y de los intereses comerciales. La prensa escrita no cuenta con
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una regulación específica, mientras que la radio y la televisión deben observar un régimen jurídico particular. Existen regulaciones generales para la protección del honor y la intimidad y la seguridad nacional. Las nuevas tecnologías han suscitado un importante debate social y político, pero no se han sancionado leyes específicas y la justicia ha resuelto casos específicos y polémicos. Por ahora, la capacidad de intervención estatal sobre las plataformas y las redes sociales es muy limitada." (Resumen)
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"Francesca Belotti provides insights into the political and cultural matrix, attitudes of resistance and empowerment, and the outward and inward direction of Indigenous activism by unpacking the media practices that unfold in Indigenous radio and television stations in Argentina. The theoretical fra
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mework combines studies on indigeneity, social/decolonial movements and media practices, and draws on interviews conducted with Indigenous media practitioners from different Indigenous populations around Argentina. The book examines how media practices can help support and sustain Indigenous political and cultural activism and the process of identity self-ascription. It also addresses the complex negotiation between indigenizing media and assimilating the mainstream, as well as coping with other practical constraints." (Publisher description)
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"In many parts of the Global South, coordinated political disinformation campaigns, rumor, and propaganda have long been a part of the social fabric, even before disinformation has become an area of scholarship in the Global North. The way disinformation manifests in this region, and responses to it
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, can therefore be highly instructive for readers around the world. Through case studies and comparative analyses, the book explores the impact of disinformation in Africa, Latin America, the Arab World and Asia. The chapters in this book discuss the similarities and differences of disinformation in different regions and provide a broad thematic overview of the phenomenon as it manifests across the Global South. After analyzing core concepts, theories and histories from Southern perspectives, contributors explore the experiences of media users and the responses to disinformation by various social actors drawing on examples from a dozen countries." (Publisher description)
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"The pandemic made inequality, discrimination, exclusion and structural inequity more palpable, and rather than stagnating in indignation, it reactivated a sense of rebellion and contestation. The strength and sharpness with which we connect social justice, gender justice, environmental justice, eco
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nomic justice and racial justice with the potentials and limitations of digital technologies is undeniable. Using this intersectional lens, we need to document and build our own narratives about the challenges that we face related to the impacts of the pandemic and reflect on how our advocacy priorities as well as the ways we do advocacy are changing and keep being modified and adjusted. At APC we have strengthened capacity to design and implement collective and contextual community responses to the multiple challenges and crises that we face, while having a greater awareness of the kind of global responses that should be prioritised, based on shared but differentiated responsibilities [...] GISWatch 2021-2022 focuses on responses to some of the fundamental questions brought by the pandemic to inform civil society’s advocacy around digital technology issues and their potential to shape future horizons. As illustrated on our cover, a sustained struggle will be necessary in the years ahead, but not only in the public spaces. A nuanced approach to advocacy will be essential to open multiple ways to bring about positive change." (Preface, page 6)
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"Diese Untersuchung widmet sich der deutschen Propaganda in Lateinamerika während des Ersten Weltkrieges aus einer transnationalen Perspektive. Dabei fragt sie zunächst nach den Produktionsbedingungen und zeigt, dass deutsche Propaganda durch ein plurizentrisches Netzwerk realisiert wurde, dessen
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Akteure sich nicht zwangsläufig mit den Deutschen sympathisierten, sondern auch aufgrund von Interessenkonvergenz in der Zielsetzung mit den Deutschen kooperierten. Diese Abhängigkeit von lokalen Initiativen on the spot hatte auch Konsequenzen für die diskursive Konfiguration der Propaganda. In Argentinien, Chile und Mexiko eignete sich die deutsche Propaganda nationale wie transnationale Identitätsdiskurse an und band sie in ihre Argumentationsstrategien ein, um zwischen ihren Botschaften und den potentiellen Rezipienten Identifikation herzustellen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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