"This report seeks to provide an immediate overview of the current insecure media environment in which Afghan journalists work and the threat scenario potentially facing them after the 2014 withdrawal of international troops. The aim of the report is to provide input into local and international dis
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cussions on what the focus of media development support should be in Afghanistan in future to ensure that Afghan media can play its crucial role in supporting peaceful and democratic development. The data presented in this report largely stems from on-going monitoring of media workers’ safety carried out by the local body Afghan Journalist Safety Committee (AJSC) and its safety coordinators and network of volunteers across Afghanistan. The AJSC implements the IMS-established, countrywide Afghan Journalism Safety Mechanism, a set-up that combines a number of components to enable local media workers to survive and provide the public with accurate, reliable information under the most challenging of circumstances." (Introduction, page 4)
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"The end of the security transition process in Afghanistan in 2014 marks the need to rethink foreign public diplomacy efforts in the country. As Afghanistan is entering its ‘transformational decade’, there is a unique opportunity to disconnect public diplomacy from the military–security paradi
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gm that has dominated international relations with Afghanistan since 2001. With a much more limited foreign military presence on the ground, public diplomacy can be considerably more than a strategy to win hearts and minds. Comparing the experiences of the United States and the Netherlands, the more sizeable American ‘model’ of public diplomacy can be considered a more defensive mechanism of foreign policy, linked to the military and counter-insurgency activities in Afghanistan, and to the broader ideological objective of being part of the debate on the relationship between ‘Islam and the West’. In contrast, the Dutch ‘model’ shows a limited public security effort that incorporates cultural activities and training as an extension of foreign policy. This model is less ideological and is not directly connected to the military conflict in Afghanistan. It is a more indirect form of supporting foreign policy objectives. What is needed beyond 2014 is an approach that is disconnected from the current military framework, that departs from the more modest and non-military Dutch model, but that includes the broader political and especially financial commitment of the American model." (Abstract)
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"[...] Afghanistan is a fragile, fractured state and has one of the most fragile and fractured media, where almost anyone with sufficient funds and the opportunity to move quickly has been able to establish a media presence. This environment has enabled the flourishing of television, radio and other
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media established and owned by powerful political and religious leaders, or by those with allegiance to them. Some fear a future of increased ethnic, sectarian and factional strife being played out through the airwaves. Though there are some very successful commercial television channels, there is no independent and widely trusted national media capable of transcending or creating communication across the fracture points in Afghan society. Most media is either localised or seen as serving political, religious or other agendas. The future of the national broadcaster, RTA, still the only broadcaster with a truly national presence, is uncertain. While journalism as a whole has expanded greatly, investigative journalism remains limited. The sustainability of the newly established commercial media is widely questioned. With the total annual advertising market in the country estimated by some at little more than $20 million, there are real concerns that if donor support declines much of the media will wither or fall prey to factional, religious or extreme forces. There is no shortage of such forces. A number of media outlets already play upon ethnic and sectarian tensions. The Taliban, notorious when in power for shutting down media and banning video tape, have embraced the web and run one of the most effective media strategies in the country. In 2012, the mood music is one of compromise with the Taliban. Concern in the country is growing that new found media freedoms may be the price of that compromise. The role of donors in media support in Afghanistan is probably greater than in any other country at any other time. Such support is largely responsible for the development of a substantial media sector, but it faces criticism that it is poorly coordinated, short term and not informed by aid effectiveness principles; that it focuses too heavily on advancing the agendas of the donors; and that in some sectors it is distorting the media market in ways that create dependency and inhibit the development of genuinely sustainable Afghan media ventures." (Executive summary)
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"The purpose of this evaluation is to identify results and lessons learned from USAID’s Afghanistan Media Development and Empowerment Project (AMDEP). AMDEP was designed as a one-year project (later extended) that began on November 1, 2010. It built on eight years of previous USAID media activitie
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s in Afghanistan and continued USAID’s strategic focus on improving news and development-related radio information for under-served groups such as rural families, women and young people. Through the consistent funding and support to the radio industry in Afghanistan, USAID has underwritten an enhanced forum for news and information programming outside of Kabul. By choosing radio as its primary tool, the initial groundwork was laid for a national messaging forum. Enabling provincial and district broadcasters to receive a consistent and increasingly professional series of programs was a good approach. That many of the programs have to do with national, regional and international news and information is creating the conditions for more and better citizen participation in democratic development. The stage has been set for national advertising supported messaging in the future. AMDEP supports a comprehensive “value chain” approach to strengthening the media sector, dealing with training of journalists; establishing and operating a network of rural radio stations; introducing “new media” to enable amateur voices to communicate about social, economic, and development issues; encouraging advocacy to protect journalistic freedoms; helping citizens understand and value the importance of media information and news; training media lawyers; and supporting new media laws and policies that will support development of a dynamic, independent media industry. Internews is the lead implementer of AMDEP activities and of previous USAID media activities that led to AMDEP. Overall, AMDEP has been remarkably successful. It had to function in a context of administrative delays and funding uncertainties, security threats, an environment of many different media projects and an unpredictable economy. The technical and managerial depth of the Internews team was an important factor in the project’s success, as was its selection of effective Afghan partner organizations. Flexibility and agility on the part of USAID and Internews made it possible to adapt to changing circumstances." (Executive summary, page 1)
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"Through the design, development and delivery of curricula and the training program in Afghanistan on the subject of media law, the hope is to empower Afghan lawyers to serve as a critical resource to journalists, media managers, and local government officials. Through the trainings, participants ch
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osen from various parts of Afghanistan will work with best practices and national and international media standards and principles. An Afghan-centric approach—necessary for strengthening national media and legal capacity—will be employed in addition to a comparative international approach. Topics included are Afghanistan’s media law; freedom of information; slander; defamation; libel; invasion of privacy; blasphemy; the interplay between Islam/religion and media law; and the interplay between Afghanistan’s constitutional law, criminal law and media law. Another element of the enabling environment is good management. Our hope is that this manual and the training program will contribute to improved media management by covering such subjects as transparency; improving legal protection for journalists; anti-trust rules; copyright law; contract law; licensing; trademarks; advertising; and intellectual property issues. In the area of telecommunications law, the project addresses topics such as the current state of Afghanistan’s telecom law; communication regulation and legislation; regulatory structures and regulatory models for communication; network interconnection and access; licensing; spectrum management; interconnection; access to networks, particularly in rural and underserved areas; improved business-friendly government regulation of the airwaves and licensing procedures; the regulatory regime for content delivered via SMS/IVR; the legal-regulatory framework for the Internet sector and for social media; electronic commerce; data protection and cyber-crime." (Foreward, pages ii-iii)
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"Following a decade of extensive international involvement and arduous fighting, Afghanistan is currently going through a significant Transition intended to enable Afghans to assume responsibility for their own security, development and governance. In addition to opportunities, this process provides
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significant challenges to the Afghan society and its development partners. This study raises awareness of the role and potential of strategic communications to address some of these challenges and aid Afghanistan’s Transition objectives beyond the timeframe set for 2014. In treatment of this topic, this study provides a theoretical and historical overview of communication for development, Afghanistan’s pre- and post-2001 situation with reference to the use of important channels of modern and traditional communications, and examines pertinent perspectives on the importance of strategic communications, particularly in strengthening Afghanistan’s Transition context. In addition, this study focuses on the contribution of strategic communication in non-security matters, particularly governance and peace promotion, and identifies some major challenges where the potential of strategic communications to contribute has remained underexploited. Drawing on these discussions, the results indicates that, in spite of some measures put to the fore, the Afghan government lacks an overarching strategic communications framework integrating multi-media, multi-outlet and public outreach to help in achieving the Transition goal; a stable Afghan state. Pointing clearly to the need for such an integrated campaign, the dissemination of negative perspectives, such as that suggesting that Afghanistan would collapse after 2004, has given space to insurgents propaganda, a challenge which can be addressed through effective strategic communications. In the conclusions, this study argues on the importance of strategic communications as an strategic tool to aid Afghanistan development agenda particularly in the Transition context and presents some practical recommendations to the Afghan government and its deployment partners for effective use of strategic communications in view of a holistic approach aimed the strengthening development of Afghanistan and particularly the Transition process." (Abstract)
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"The exponential media growth in Afghanistan over the last decade is due to the enthusiasm of Afghan entrepreneurs and to support from the United States and other nations, states this report. According to the executive summary "support from the United States, the biggest donor, has waxed and waned.
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From 2002 to 2005 USAID spend $23 million to launch news media outlets and train journalists, and from 2006 to 2010 funding totaled $20.64 million. That included a couple of lean years, 2007 and 2008, when spending was only $3.3 million each year. But with the Obama administration’s Afghan military surge of 2009 there also came a media spending surge. USAID funded a $22 million project called the Afghanistan Media Development and Empowerment Project (AMDEP) for 2011, and a separate $7 million project to put news on cellphones was put to bid. Meanwhile, $183 million was allocated to the U.S. embassy in Kabul for a wide array of media projects in 2010 and 2011. And the Defense Department budgeted $180 million for information operations in Iraq and Afghanistan for 2011 alone, some portion of which went to support Afghan media. The effectiveness of all this spending is difficult to gauge, but the smaller and more focused projects–such as creating new radio stations–tend to be seen as generally successful, while the value of the larger and broader projects–such as an anti-insurgency message campaign–is harder to judge." (Executive summary, page 4-5)
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"Since the fall of the Taliban in 2001, the Afghan media sector has experienced dramatic growth in all areas: television, radio, print, internet, mobile phones. As such, the sector holds tremendous potential for making significant contributions to peacebuilding in the country. However, the media sec
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tor also confronts numerous challenges that impede its ability to realize this potential – which can only be addressed through the combined efforts and attention of international and domestic stakeholders alike. Among the most pressing challenges is resolving the tension between information operations and counterinsurgency, on the one hand, and developing a viable, credible media sector on the other. All too often efforts to counter extremist messages through expanded military and government access to the airwaves (via purchased air time and proliferating “radio in a box” broadcasts from military outposts) have had a negative impact on both media market economics and media credibility. Sustainability is also a significant issue. A glut of media outlets has arisen that are privately licensed yet sustained by international donor funds and strategic communications money. This has had a deleterious effect on the perception of media, and its effectiveness as a guardian of public interests. The shortcomings of state-owned RTA as a public broadcaster further contribute to this, leading many experts to call for greater investment in long-term training and mentoring as well as regulatory reform to limit government manipulation of the airwaves." (Summary)
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"[...] International donor support for Afghanistan's media has had two primary goals. The short-term goal has been to counteract the effects of insurgent communications in order to win the hearts and minds of the Afghan people. The long-term goal has been to create a free and independent media secto
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r that will continue to function after donor support has ended. Although millions of dollars have been invested in the development of the Afghan media sector and the growth of private media since 2001 is considered one of Afghanistan's greatest success stories, neither of these donor goals is being met. Donor support for Afghan media has led to the growth of radio and television outlets that are almost entirely dependent on foreign funding - direct and indirect. Recent strategic communications policies have neither diminished nor adequately countered the presence of extremist voices in Afghanistan. Despite some examples to the contrary, Taliban communications continue to affect the lives of ordinary Afghans, whereas many communications by and from Western sources do not. Neither short- nor mid-term analysis of the Afghan economy - ranked the third poorest in the world by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) - foresees the growth of a market able to sustain Afghanistan's domestic media sector without foreign financing. The limited impact of Western communications endeavors, in conjunction with the predicted continued weakness of the Afghan economy, reveals an urgent need for a dramatic shift in the media strategies and goals pursued by the United States and its allies. First and foremost, donors should invest primarily in the Afghan media's production and dissemination of socially constructive contents rather than in building media institutions or infrastructure that the Afghan economy cannot support. For these contents to be received as authentic and credible, they must reflect the vulnerabilities and priorities that Afghans themselves have identified as vital. Donors should make a multiyear funding commitment to the media in Afghanistan. Support should be allocated to both terrestrial and wireless media through a transparent and competitive process developed jointly by donors and Afghan media experts. Aggressively supporting the dissemination of socially constructive contents through new outlets will permit access to both geographic and demographic segments of the population not adequately served by current media outlets." (Summary, page 3)
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"The international community entered Afghanistan in December 2001 to oust the Taliban. It promised reconstruction, development and democratisation. At the time, the trauma of 25 years of war had left civil society in Afghanistan shattered and the media had become mere tools in the hands of the dicta
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torial rulers. If the pro-Communist Governments had totally monopolised the media for their own propaganda, the Taliban banned TV in all areas under their control and ordered women journalists to go home. They had for their propaganda Radio Shariat, which only broadcast religious debate and sermons. Five days after the fall of Taliban, the first image broadcast by the public television channel Kabul Television, after five years of silence, was the face of a woman, Maryam Shakiba, no longer covered with a veil. The face of a woman presenter on national TV was regarded as a symbol of hope for change." (Introduction)
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"Die Arbeit untersucht, welche Rolle die Medien für die Demokratisierung des von 24 Jahren Krieg zerstörten Landes spielen können. Vor allem internationale Hilfsorganisationen sind gefordert, die aufkeimende afghanische Presse auf dem Weg zu Demokratie und Freiheit zu begleiten. Nach theoretische
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n Überlegungen zu Demokratie und Medien sowie der politischen Situation Afghanistans richtet sich das Hauptaugenmerk auf die praktische Medienförderung vor Ort. Die Verfasserin bereiste im April 2004 das Camp des Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRT) der Bundeswehr in Kunduz und besuchte eine Woche lang verschiedene Presseprojekte der Deutschen sowie weitere Medienprojekte internationaler NGOs in Kunduz. Es wird deutlich, dass Medien in Zeiten des gesamtgesellschaftlichen Umbruchs eine wichtige Rolle für den Demokratisierungsprozess eines Landes spielen können. Medienhilfe muss zudem mit konventioneller Entwicklungshilfe kooperieren und sich an die Gegebenheiten des Landes anpassen. Nur so kann eine Presselandschaft entstehen, die zum jeweiligen Volk passt und sich somit auch nach dem Abzug der internationalen Hilfsorganisationen weiterentwickeln und finanzieren kann." (Abstract, aus: Transfer 1/2005, http://www.dgpuk.de/transfer)
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"The development of media in post-Taliban Afghanistan has been relatively successful (compared with both the Taliban regime and other countries subject to international intervention) in establishing free and responsible expression despite the lack of electricity, harsh terrain, absence of viable med
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ia outlets during the Taliban regime, and a conservative religious society that subordinates women. However, Afghanistan’s media development remains incomplete. Since it still faces many challenges, the international community must continue to assist and support it. Three main processes contributed to Afghanistan’s initial media success: the proliferation of local media, especially radio; the government’s increased capacity to communicate; and international media that filled gaps that otherwise might have become problematic. This three-pronged approach in Afghanistan may provide useful lessons for other societies emerging from conflict." (Summary)
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"This paper has demonstrated that the benefits for the general Afghan and Iraqi public derived from the ‘promotion of independent media’ by institutions like the NED are questionable, especially for parties interested in encouraging more deliberative or participatory forms of democracy. Instead,
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the promotion of ‘independent’ media in Afghanistan and Iraq seems to be playing a key role in the promotion of low-intensity democracy or polyarchy. Additionally, it also appears that countries of greater geostrategic value need more ‘democratization’, for example, both countries have roughly the same population but ‘oil rich Iraq received 20 times more American media development assistance per year than war-ravaged Afghanistan, one of the poorest nations on earth’ (Rohde, 2005: 29). With such large amounts of money being wielded by ‘democracy promoters’, their short term influences may impact heavily on both countries, yet perhaps the most significant effects of these media interventions will be felt in the long term. Previous case studies have shown that groups or individuals supported by ‘democracy promoters’ are expected to move on to fill leading roles within their societies." (Conclusion, page 124)
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"Als Partner des staatlichen Rundfunks Radio Television Afghanistan (RTA) leistet der Auslandssender Deutsche Welle (DW) einen wichtigen Beitrag zum Demokratisierungsprozess in Afganistan. Denn freie, unabhängige und verlässliche Medien sind in einer Demokratie unverzichtbar. Sie versorgen die Men
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schen im ganzen Land mit Informationen und tragen so zu aktiver Meinungsbildung bei." (Seite 5)
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"This case study investigates the launch of a women’s radio station in Herat, Afghanistan, in October 2003. It follows four women journalists’ struggles in balancing the demands of a highly conservative culture on the one hand, and the objectives of their Canadian journalism trainers on the othe
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r. By discussing how the radio station was forced to accede to the male-centric norms in Afghan radio production to avoid being labelled unprofessional, the study concludes that gender and media development must be conceptualised more carefully to present an effective challenge to gender inequality." (Abstract)
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"This book represents one step in explaining international efforts to promote independent media. It attempts to examine the nature and significance of media assistance, discussing the evolution of the field, the focus of various programming approaches, and the possible impact of such efforts. It pre
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sents case studies of media assistance programs in different countries. The book concludes with a set of recommendations for expanding and deepening media assistance for the international community. This book project grew out of a multi-country study that I directed in 2002–2004 to examine media assistance programs funded by the US Agency for International Development. The overall purpose of the study was to assess the nature and effectiveness of USAID programs and make policy and programmatic recommendations for the future. In writing this book I have mostly drawn from the massive information collected during two years of research and analysis. The book is based primarily on three sources of information. First are reviews of literature covering scholarly writings, project and program documents, and articles in popular magazines and newspapers on media assistance. Such reviews were country specific as well as global in nature. Because the academic literature is extremely limited and media assistance is hardly covered in magazines and newspapers except in high-profile cases such as Bosnia and Serbia, reviews largely relied on program documentation. I had the unique advantage of perusing thousands of documents that are not available to the public. Although mostly descriptive and often self-serving, they identified critical gaps in our knowledge and illuminated the challenges and achievements of international media endeavors. Second, my colleagues and I undertook extensive fieldwork in seven countries/regions—Afghanistan, Bosnia, Central America, Indonesia, Russia, Serbia, and Sierra Leone. In each of these cases, research teams conducted extensive discussions with international donor agencies, officials of host countries, project staff and contractors, and local media experts and journalists. Every possible effort was made to interview all those experts and managers who had intimate knowledge of the ongoing media assistance programs. Teams also examined locally available documents and reports and used translators to translate documents into English when necessary. In the absence of hard quantitative data, they largely relied on available documentation, indepth interviews, and their own knowledge of the media scene for their findings and conclusions. Finally, I organized a series of meetings in Washington, D.C., to discuss the findings of the country studies and explore new directions for media assistance programs. Such meetings helped to identify many problems and challenges facing media assistance programs and helped in formulating a set of recommendation for policymakers." (Chapter 1, page 10-11)
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"Die Annahme, dass eine kontrollierte Presse das Ziel einer Förderung demokratischer Strukturen immer ad absurdum führe, darf vor dem Hintergrund einer politischen Ausnahmesituation nach einem bewaffneten Konflikt durchaus hinterfragt werden. Die in diesem Zusammenhang geführte Diskussion über M
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edienfreiheit versus Konflikteindämmung verdeutlicht die grundsätzlich verschiedenen Zielsetzungen und Ansäze zwischen internationalen NGOs und IGOs beim Medienaufbau. IGOs, wie die OSZE, plädierten in Bosnien für den Aufbau neuer Medienorgane unter Kontrolle von IGOs. Die OSZE befürchtete zu Recht, dass bereits bestehende und etablierte Medienorgane oft unter dem Einfluss von Konfliktparteien stehen. Das galt auch für die Übergangsregierung in Afghanistan. Für die NGOs hingegen ist die Förderung bereits bestehender lokaler Medienorgane die Voraussetzung für einen nachhaltigen Medienaufbau, der zugleich auch den Aufbau der Zivilgesellschaft unterstützt. Das Auswärtige Amt hat in den Schwerpunktsetzungen grundsätzlich einen richtigen Ansatz verfolgt. Allerdings sind die gegenwärtigen Rahmenbedingungen wie das Haushaltsrecht und der Mangel an Evaluierungsmechanismen sowohl seitens der Geldgeber als auch der Implementierungspartner unzureichend. Darüber hinaus wiederholen sich in Afghanistan die Probleme mangelnder Koordinierung. Internews und die UNESCO waren beide in Bosnien aktiv und schon dort mit unzureichender Koordinierung der internationalen Maßnahmen und der Parteilichkeit von nationalen Medienorganen konfrontiert. In Afghanistan übernahm die UNESCO im Frühjahr 2002 die Koordinierung der afghanischen Medienlandschaft und der internationalen Hilfsleistungen in diesem Bereich. Die mangelnde Kohärenz der Aktivitäten konnte dennoch nicht behoben werden. Trotz der früheren Erfahrungen aus anderen Post-Konfliktstaaten wurden die Fehler im Umgang mit Medien wiederholt." (Fazit, Seite 37)
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"The experience of establishing community stations in Afghanistan provides four distinct, but interrelated lessons [...] The project has demonstrated that international organizations can promote community stations in impoverished, war-tron societies that have had no experience of independent or comm
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ercial media. Second, community radio can provide not only news but also a stimulus for grassroots democracy and social networks [...] Third, the Afghanistan example also suggests that community radio stations can raise modest resources locally [...] Fourth, in a politically and economically fragile environment, most community stations may require long-term financial support." (Lessons and recommendations, page 270-271)
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"Progress on Public Service Broadcasting (PSB) is more likely to occur when there is collaboration with others; where there are strategic opportunities; when UNESCO uses project funds to reward progressive policy change; where there are staff in the field who are committed to PSB; when there is foll
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ow-up and follow-through on activities; where UNESCO has a long-term perspective. The case study from Afghanistan (Appendix D) supports the view that collaborative programming has the potential to achieve much more than UNESCO could do alone. Collaboration is essential for large, long-term initiatives since UNESCO has limited funds available within the CI sector’s regular budget for PSB. UNESCO’s collaboration with UNDP in central Asia and its positioning of PSB within the UNDAF appears to have resulted in a positive influence. This is evident in Kyrgyzstan, for example, which developed a progressive broadcasting law that brought the country closer to a PSB model. UNESCO’s recent experiences in Malawi and Afghanistan demonstrate that significant movement towards PSB is possible in countries that are undergoing democratic reform. Post-conflict and failed states in transition can be fertile grounds for PSB but sustainable reforms are difficult to achieve within UNESCO’s planning cycle. UNESCO and its partners need to undertake thorough risk assessments in such countries before investing heavily. Cambodia illustrates one of UNESCO’s successful strategies for influencing change. UNESCO used IPDC funds to lever concessions from the Cambodian government. With IPDC as a carrot, UNESCO was able to persuade the government to introduce a new policy on editorial independence for broadcasters. As noted earlier, UNESCO’s greatest strength is its staff. In regions with knowledgeable and committed staff, it has had the largest volume of projects and made the most progress towards PSB. In contrast, where field officers have had little knowledge or interest in PSB, progress has been marginal." (Lessons, pages 25-26)
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"This dissertation examines international aid in support of Afghan media from fall 2001 to fall 2004 as a case study to interrogate the notion of “media transition” and its underlying assumptions. It examines how development organizations such as the United Nations, bilateral aid agencies such a
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s the U.S. Agency for International Development, and non-governmental agencies created the institutional structures that define and support the practice of media transition. It analyzes how the nascent Afghan state media institutions and non-governmental organizations dedicated to media reconstruction negotiated and mobilized the discourse of media transition to further their own aims. It also analyzes how changing political considerations, media production and dissemination outlets, and media producers’ own sense of mission affected the production of a series of radio programs designed to promote Afghan political transition. This dissertation argues that democracy should not be treated as a self-evident goal for media transitions, but should be viewed as a discursive process that shares many of the same concerns as development communications, and that mobilizes a transnational public sphere." (Abstract)
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