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Language
Document type
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Countries
Authors & Publishers
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Methods applied
Journals
Output Type
Belarus Media Landscape Guide
CDAC Network (2022), 21 pp.
"This Media Landscape Guide was produced in January 2022. It provides a snapshot of the media at this time in Belarus. It provides an analysis of the recent shocks to the media landscape and an overview of the different types of media and information sources available for Belarusians: digital media
...
Limitations of Anti-War Messaging Oriented at Russians
Bonn: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) (2022), 11 pp.
"This paper offers a critical overview of anti-war propaganda in the Russian language during the first six months of the war and identifies the reasons for its limited success. After a review of the challenges to current forms of propaganda, the paper offers practical recommendations to improve the
...
Defending Democracy in Exile: Policy Responses to Transnational Repression
Washington, DC: Freedom House (2022), 42 pp.
"Transnational repression is strategically employed by autocrats, enabled by underprepared host governments, and spreading rapidly around the world. This report aims to assess the strengths and weaknesses in the global understanding of and responses to transnational repression, so that governments,
...
Controlling China’s Digital Ecosystem: Observations on Chinese Social Media
China Leadership Monitor, issue 72 (2022), 10 pp.
"Nowhere is the effort to control the flow of digital information more extensive and sustained than it is in China. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) uses a wide range of tools and strategies to achieve two related, but distinct, goals of digital information control: to shape public knowledge and to
...
The Revolution Will be Televised in Arabic: Iran’s Media Infrastructure Abroad
Washington, DC: Washington Institute for Near East Policy (2022), 19 pp.
"The media space is increasingly becoming yet another battlefield for the Islamic Republic to consolidate its hegemony throughout the Middle East. Iran’s media outreach, particularly in Arabic, is only likely to increase, especially online. Supreme Leader Khamenei is keen to see more activities do
...
Is Telegram a “harbinger of Freedom”? The Performance, Practices, and Perception of Platforms as Political Actors in Authoritarian States
Post-Soviet Affairs, volume 38, issue 1-2 (2022), pp. 125-145
"This paper examines the practices, performance, and perceptions of the messaging platform Telegram as an actor in the 2020 Belarus protests, using publicly available data from Telegram’s public statements, protest-related Telegram groups, and media coverage. Developing a novel conceptualization o
...
The Unfreedom Monitor: Turkey Country Report
Amsterdam: Global Voices Advox (2022), 27 pp.
"Since its ascent to power twenty years ago, the ruling AKP has tightened the screws on all forms of freedom of expression, both online and offline. It has introduced draconian laws, imposed internet restrictions, blocked content, and has arrested and intimidated critics on an unprecedented level. I
...
»For a Journalist, Keeping Silent is a Crime«. Russian Independent Media: Caught Between Responsibility and Wartime Censorship
Journalistik. Zeitschrift für Journalismusforschung, volume 5, issue 2 (2022), pp. 163-171
"It did not take long after the first Russian tanks rolled across the border into Ukraine for the Russian government to tighten its censorship laws. The Duma (parliament), the media supervisory authority Roskomnadzor, the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and the Ministry of Justice joined forces to com
...
Media Assistance in Burma’s Reform Decade
Washington, DC: Center for International Media Assistance (CIMA) (2022), 35 pp.
"Using the coup as a vantage point, interviewees for this report were asked to reflect on three main questions: What have we learned about past media reform efforts? With hindsight, what are the legacies, best practices, and lessons learned? With a view to the future, what does the media’s respons
...
Freedom on the Net 2022: Countering an Authoritarian Overhaul of the Internet
Washington, DC: Freedom House (2022), 46 pp.
"1. Global internet freedom declined for the 12th consecutive year. The sharpest downgrades were documented in Russia, Myanmar, Sudan, and Libya. Following the Russian military’s illegal and unprovoked invasion of Ukraine, the Kremlin dramatically intensified its ongoing efforts to suppress domest
...
The Cultural Politics of Affect and Emotion: A Case Study of Chinese Reality TV
Bielefeld: transcript Verlag (2022), 232 pp.
"Against the background of the media commercialization reform since the 1990s in China and drawing on the case of »X-Change« (2006-2019), Wei Dong investigates the entanglements between emotion and subjectivity, ideology, identity and hegemonic power in the multimodal text of the program. The focu
...
Russia – YouTube and Global Platforms: A New Battleground for Russian Journalists and Bloggers
Potsdam: Friedrich Naumann Foundation (2022), 13 pp.
"In the late 2010s, the Internet overtook television as the most popular media format in Russia. It was also the time when Russian-speaking YouTube went political: well-known bloggers started producing political content, opposition politicians became the most popular YouTubers, and finally mainstrea
...
You Are What You Read: Media, Identity, and Community in the 2020 Belarusian Uprising
Post-Soviet Affairs, volume 38, issue 1-2 (2022), pp. 88-106
"The movement that mobilized to oppose Alyaksandr Lukashenka in August 2020 was notable for its ability to bridge divisions of social class, geography, age, and identity. Almost uniquely among post-Soviet revolutionary movements, the Belarusians who rose up were not divided from those who did not al
...
Narrative russischer staatlicher Medien über Corona-Impfstoffe im Westen
Russland-Analysen, issue 418 (2022), pp. 2-5
"Die überwiegende Mehrheit der Beiträge in russischen staatlichen Medien über Impfkampagnen im Westen haben eine negative Konnotation. Die Übertreibung der negativen Folgen einer Impfung mit Präparaten von BionTech/Pfizer und Moderna sowie die Überzeichnung der angeblich massenhaften Unzufried
...
Russia: "You Will be Arrested Anyway." Reprisals Against Monitors and Media Workers Reporting from Protests
London: Amnesty International (2022), 48 pp.
"This document looks into the human rights violations committed against two specific groups who play important roles for the enjoyment of the right to peaceful assembly. The first group – public assembly monitors – performs a watchdog function by recording how rigorously the authorities observe
...
Understanding the Laws Relating to "Fake News" in Russia
Thomson Reuters Foundation; Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) (2022), 16 pp.
"This guide is intended to provide user-friendly, practical guidance for journalists and newsrooms seeking to understand the Russian “fake news” laws, and how they’ve been applied to local and international press." (Page 1)
Digital Authoritarianism in the Middle East: Deception, Disinformation and Social Media
London: Hurst & Company (2022), 303 pp.
"By the time readers arrive at the end of Jones’s astonishing examination of social media in the Middle East, they will be completely persuaded that it is now impossible to tell whether anything they read online is true. Replete with bots and sock puppets, trolls and dupes, this online world is bo
...
Content Moderation in autoritären Staaten: Wie soziale Medien zu Komplizen autoritärer Herrscher zu werden drohen
Berlin: Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP) (2022), 8 pp.
"Täglich gibt es Berichte darüber, wie private Betreiber sozialer Medien sich problematischen Vorgaben autoritärer Herrscher beugen. Ob in Thailand, Kasachstan oder Russland, immer wieder werden als Teil von Content Moderation (CM) gezielt Inhalte entfernt oder Konten gelöscht, weil Regierungen
...
Steuerung der öffentlichen Meinung
Russland-Analysen, issue 418 (2022), pp. 1-14
"Wie denken gewöhnliche Russ:innen wirklich über die Entscheidung von Präsident Putin, in die Ukraine einzumarschieren? Obwohl einiges dafürspricht, dass frühere Umfragen, die Zustimmungswerte um 60 % für den Krieg zeigen, als genuine Signale der russischen öffentlichen Meinung gewertet werde
...
