"Who believes in conspiracy theories, and why are some people more susceptible to them than others? What are the consequences of such beliefs? Has a conspiracy theory ever turned out to be true? The Psychology of Conspiracy Theories debunks the myth that conspiracy theories are a modern phenomenon,
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exploring their broad social contexts, from politics to the workplace. The book explains why some people are more susceptible to hese beliefs than others, and how they are produced by recognizable and predictable psychological processes. Featuring examples such as the 9/11 terrorist attacks and climate change, The Psychology of Conspiracy Theories shows us that while such beliefs are not always irrational and are not a pathological trait, they can be harmful to individuals and society." (Publisher description)
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"This paper is based on a review of how previous studies have defined and operationalized the term “fake news.” An examination of 34 academic articles that used the term “fake news” between 2003 and 2017 resulted in a typology of types of fake news: news satire, news parody, fabrication, man
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ipulation, advertising, and propaganda. These definitions are based on two dimensions: levels of facticity and deception. Such a typology is offered to clarify what we mean by fake news and to guide future studies." (Abstract)
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"The rapid spread of online misinformation poses an increasing risk to societies worldwide. To help counter this, we developed a ‘fake news game’ in which participants are actively tasked with creating a news article about a strongly politicized issue (the European refugee crisis) using misleadi
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ng tactics, from the perspective of different types of fake news producers. To pilot test the efficacy of the game, we conducted a randomized field study (N = 95) in a public high school setting. Results provide some preliminary evidence that playing the fake news game reduced the perceived reliability and persuasiveness of fake news articles. Overall, these findings suggest that educational games may be a promising vehicle to inoculate the public against fake news." (Abstract)
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"The study explains how strategists set campaign objectives based on input from their political clients, then delegate political marketing responsibility to a team of digital influencers and fake account operators. These operators infiltrate online communities, artificially trend hashtags to hijack
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mainstream media attention, and disseminate disinformation to silence enemies and seed revisionist history narratives. While the Philippine public’s moral panic about fake news is often directed at high-profile digital influencers and celebrities such as Mocha Uson who are seen to incite political divisiveness and harass journalists, Ong and Cabañes argue that the real chief architects of disinformation are hiding in plain sight—wearing respectable faces as leaders in their industry while sidestepping accountability." (http://newtontechfordev.com)
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"In this report, we favour the word “disinformation” over “fake news.” Disinformation, as used in the Report, includes all forms of false, inaccurate, or misleading information designed, presented and promoted to intentionally cause public harm or for profit. Our main message is that the bes
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t responses to disinformation are multi-dimensional, with stakeholders collaborating in a manner that protects and promotes freedom of expression, media freedom, and media pluralism. Another key message is that effective action will require continuous research on the impact of disinformation, increased transparency, and access to relevant data, combined with evaluation of responses on a regular, ongoing basis. This is particularly important as disinformation is a multi-faceted and evolving problem that does not have one single root cause." (Foreword)
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"This analysis of digital advertising technology and its relevance to disinformation online is designed to broaden the focus in the current public debate beyond Russian operatives buying ads on social media. The problem is much bigger than that and the issues of concern are more diverse. Our analysi
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s points to the core challenge of disentangling the alignment of interests between the commercial pursuits of digital platform companies and the success of disinformation-based political advertisers. It is a mistake to fixate on Russia. Russia is one of many online disinformation operators targeting Americans. Future disinformation campaigns may just as likely be run by domestic operators as foreign ones. These operators will most likely leverage the most dominant U.S. internet platforms to reach tens upon hundreds of millions of Americans. The full range of these disinformation campaigns could produce a grave public harm. In particular, they can progressively weaken the integrity of our democracy by separating citizens from facts and polarizing our political culture." (Conclusions)
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"Part One, 'In Their Own Words: Trolling, Meme Culture, and Journalists’ Reflections on the 2016 US Presidential Election,' provides a historical overview of the relationship between the news media and far-right manipulators during the 2016 US presidential election. Part Two, 'At a Certain Point Y
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ou Have to Realize That You’re Promoting Them’: The Ambivalence of Journalistic Amplification,' identifies the intended and unintended consequences of reporting on bigoted, damaging, or otherwise problematic information and the structural limitations of journalism (economic, labor, and cultural) that exacerbate these tensions. And Part Three, 'The Forest and the Trees: Proposed Editorial Strategies,' recommends practices on establishing newsworthiness; handling objectively false information; covering specific harassment campaigns or manipulators, bigots, and abusers; and reporting on the internet that are particularly critical in an era of disinformation." (Executive summary, page 3)
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"A RAND Corporation study examined Russian-language content on social media and the broader propaganda threat posed to the region of former Soviet states that include Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Ukraine, and, to a lesser extent, Moldova and Belarus. In addition to employing a state-funded multilingu
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al television network, operating various Kremlin-supporting news websites, and working through several constellations of Russia-backed “civil society” organizations, Russia employs a sophisticated social media campaign that includes news tweets, nonattributed comments on web pages, troll and bot social media accounts, and fake hashtag and Twitter campaigns. Nowhere is this threat more tangible than in Ukraine, which has been an active propaganda battleground since the 2014 Ukrainian revolution. Other countries in the region look at Russia’s actions and annexation of Crimea and recognize the need to pay careful attention to Russia’s propaganda campaign. To conduct this study, RAND researchers employed a mixed-methods approach that used careful quantitative analysis of social media data to understand the scope of Russian social media campaigns combined with interviews with regional experts and U.S. and North Atlantic Treaty Organization security experts to understand the critical ingredients to countering this campaign." (Back cover)
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"The fourth annual report looks at jobs in the newsroom, fake news and fact-checking journalism, and highlights the problem of threats to media freedom in South Africa. In a survey conducted across a range of newsrooms both big and small, it found that young, black women journalists are more likely
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to find work in South African newsrooms than any other demographic. The survey also confirmed that, with one or two exceptions, young, less experienced journalists are writing the news we read every day. While its overview of honours research into fake news suggests there might not be as much of it circulating in this country as we imagine, it also found that fact-checking journalism has yet to gain the traction in South African newsrooms as a marketable genre in the way that it has elsewhere in the world." (http://journalism.co.za/resources/state-of-the-newsroom)
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"Our key findings are: 1. We have found evidence of formally organized social media manipulation campaigns in 48 countries, up from 28 countries last year. In each country there is at least one political party or government agency using social media to manipulate public opinion domestically; 2. Much
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of this growth comes from countries where political parties are spreading disinformation during elections, or countries where government agencies feel threatened by junk news and foreign interference and are responding by developing their own computational propaganda campaigns in response; 3. In a fifth of these 48 countries—mostly across the Global South—we found evidence of disinformation campaigns operating over chat applications such as WhatsApp, Telegram and WeChat; 4. Computational propaganda still involves social media account automation and online commentary teams, but is making increasing use of paid advertisements and search engine optimization on a widening array of Internet platforms." (Executive summary)
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"These are the background case notes complied for MEMO 2018.1: Challenging Truth and Trust: A Global Inventory of Organized Social Media Manipulation. For details on the methods behind this content analysis please see the methodology section of the report. This document contains data from over 500 s
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ources organized by country. The sources include high quality news articles, academic papers, white papers, and a range of other grey literature. As an annotated bibliography, the country cases here make use of significant passages from these secondary sources, and every effort has been made to preserve full citation details for future researchers. The full list of references can be found in our public Zotero folder, with each reference tagged with a country name." (Page 3)
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"This handbook seeks to provide an internationally-relevant model curriculum, open to adoption or adaptation, which responds to the emerging global problem of disinformation that confronts societies in general, and journalism in particular. Serving as a model curriculum, the publication is designed
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to give journalism educators and trainers a framework and lessons to help students and practitioners of journalism to navigate the issues associated with ‘fake news’. We also hope that it will be a useful guide for practising journalists. The contents draw together the input of leading international journalism educators, researchers and thinkers who are helping to update journalism method and practice to deal with the challenges of misinformation and disinformation. The lessons are contextual, theoretical and in the case of online verification, extremely practical." (Back cover)
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"As the largest alliance of U.S.-based nonprofits that work around the world, we believe it is critical to raise awareness about the evolving threat of online disinformation. Whether our members are providing emergency assistance to people fleeing conflicts, promoting democratic governance in places
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with evolving institutions and civil society, or promoting peace as faith-based or faith-founded organizations, we are all united by our shared mission of making the world a more peaceful and prosperous place. Confronting this new challenge is indeed critical to this mission and worthy of our time and resources. We hope this report begins a critical dialogue within our community about the scale of the problem we face concerning online disinformation, and, more importantly, what we can do to protect ourselves against it. As a community, we remain committed to leveraging the knowledge, expertise, and private resources from the NGO community to build stronger defenses against bad actors and abuse of online platforms that provide critical information to members and our beneficiary communities." (Letter from our CEO, page 6)
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"As a part of Russian soft (or coercive) power disinformation and propaganda have become key elements in an updated Russian security policy since 2012/13. For Russian leadership disinformation and propaganda have become key instruments to impact domestic debates in EU member states and in the neighb
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ourhood of the EU. This policy aims to weaken cohesion in the EU and its image in the neighbourhood and has become so successful because of the shrinking self-confidence of Western democracies. This study analyses Russia‘s communication strategy with regard to its influence in Serbia and Estonia. What are the tools that are used? What are the aims behind disinformation and fake news stories? It shows that a formerly reactive response from a perceived position of weakness has turned into a well-executed communication strategy that makes use of vulnerabilities to sow discord. National elites in the target countries play a key role for the success or failure of this policy." (Abstract)
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"Les nouvelles technologies permettent aux diverses formes de manipulation de l’information de toucher de vastes publics. Chaque citoyen-internaute devient un acteur des manoeuvres de désinformation, en particulier en les relayant sur les réseaux sociaux. Internet constitue ainsi une révolution
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de l’information, mais aussi une révolution de la désinformation. Or la mécanique démocratique est mise en danger par les fausses informations, par les « fake news ». La désinformation 2.0 est à la fois un symptôme de la crise de la démocratie et un appel à reconstruire la démocratie. Dans ce cadre, le droit et la loi doivent sans doute intervenir et poser des garde-fous. Lutter contre la désinformation 2.0, ce n’est pas faire oeuvre liberticide. C’est, au contraire, protéger les libertés civiles les plus fondamentales. Plus on lutte contre la désinformation, plus on protège les libertés d’expression et d’opinion, car celles-ci ont besoin d’être éclairées. Et le vote est une forme d’expression et d’opinion que la « post-vérité » asservit bien plutôt que de la libérer." (Dos de couverture)
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"Analysing millions of news stories together with Twitter and Facebook shares, broadcast television and YouTube, the book provides a comprehensive overview of the architecture of contemporary American political communications. Through data analysis and detailed qualitative case studies of coverage o
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f immigration, Clinton scandals, and the Trump Russia investigation, the book finds that the right-wing media ecosystem operates fundamentally differently than the rest of the media environment. The authors argue that longstanding institutional, political, and cultural patterns in American politics interacted with technological change since the 1970s to create a propaganda feedback loop in American conservative media. This dynamic has marginalized centre-right media and politicians, radicalized the right wing ecosystem, and rendered it susceptible to propaganda efforts, foreign and domestic. For readers outside the United States, the book offers a new perspective and methods for diagnosing the sources of, and potential solutions for, the perceived global crisis of democratic politics." (Publisher description)
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"Ziel dieser Studie ist es, empirische Fakten und Hintergründe zum Phänomen Fake-News in Deutschland zu liefern. Der Fokus der Untersuchung liegt darauf, wer an der Entstehung und Verbreitung von Fake News in der digitalen Öffentlichkeit beteiligt ist, wie groß die Reichweiten und wie erfolgreic
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h die Gegenmaßnahmen, zum Beispiel das sogenannte “Debunking” der Fact-Checker, sind. Über einen Zeitraum von sechs Monaten bis zur Bundestagswahl am 24. September 2017 wurden dafür zehn Fake-News-Fälle mit nationaler Reichweite beobachtet, ausgewählt und untersucht. Die Datenbasis war dabei umfassend; untersucht werden konnte ein Großteil der deutschen Online-Öffentlichkeit: öffentlich zugänglichen Facebook-Seiten waren demnach ebenso Bestandteil, der deutschsprachige Twitterraum, aber auch Online-Nachrichtenseiten, Blogs, Foren und die Videoplattform YouTube. Die Untersuchung der Fake News, die zur Bundestagswahl 2017 in Deutschland geteilt wurden, birgt Überraschungen. Einige zuvor medial geäußerte Befürchtungen traten so nicht ein. Weder zeigte unsere empirische Untersuchung viele Fake News aus Russland, die in der Öffentlichkeit signifikante Verbreitung fanden, noch zeigten sich bedeutende Vorgänge aus dem linkspopulistischen Raum. Auch inhaltlich gab es kaum erfolgreiche Desinformation, die sich beispielsweise mit den beiden Spitzenkandidat:innen von SPD und CDU/CSU befassen. Fake News, so wie sich das Phänomen in Deutschland empirisch darstellt, werden vor allem von Rechten, Rechtspopulist:innen und Rechtsextremen verbreitet. Dabei bildet die AfD die Speerspitze der Verbreitung, in sieben von zehn von uns dokumentierten Fällen ist sie unter den Top-10 der reichweitenstärksten Verbreiter. Das rechtspopulistische Netzwerk ist jedoch größer und besonders in den sozialen Netzwerken (allen voran: Facebook) aktiv. Hierzu zählen Medien, wie die Epoch Times, genauso wie rechte Blogs. Doch nicht alle Fake News gehen allein auf das Konto der Social-Media-Kanäle à la Facebook und Twitter: Auch redaktionelle, “klassische” Medien spielen eine Rolle. Mal als versehentlicher Katalysator, mal als bewusster Auslöser, zumeist allerdings als kritisches Korrektiv und Richtigsteller falscher Informationen, wie Süddeutsche.de oder der Faktenfinder der ARD. Andere Medien dagegen machen sich auffallend oft zum Verbreiter von Fake News, wie Bild.de oder Welt.de. Unsauberes Arbeiten betrifft in zwei Fällen auch die dpa, die Deutsche Presse-Agentur, die vor allem eine unrühmliche Rolle bei der Verbreitung der Fake News zum Volksfest in Schorndorf einnahm. Neben Medienhäusern sind zudem staatliche Stellen oder Behörden bei der Verbreitung beteiligt und können selbst zum Auslöser von Fake News werden. Schuld daran ist oft unprofessionelle oder mindestens sorglose Öffentlichkeitsarbeit, ob von der Polizei auf Twitter oder bei der Auskunft staatlicher Stellen gegenüber Medien. In allen von uns dokumentierten Fällen nutzen rechtspopulistische Akteure diese Ungenauigkeiten und instrumentalisieren diese für ihre ideologische Kampagne als Teil ihrer Kommunikationsstrategie. Thematisch bewegen sich die untersuchten Falschinformationen vor allem im Themenfeld “Flüchtlinge und Kriminalität”. Die Flüchtlingskrise, die auch eines der großen Themen der letzten Bundestagswahl war, dominiert demnach unsere Cases: 8 der 10 Fake News haben das Thema „Flüchtlinge“. Insgesamt erzielen Fake News im Vergleich zu regulären Nachrichten klassischer Medien in der Regel nur überschaubare Reichweiten, es sei denn, klassische Medien sind bei der Verbreitung beteiligt. Die große Fake News – das ist die gute Nachricht – blieb in Deutschland aus. Gründe dafür sind zum einen hohe Vertrauenswerte in das hiesige Mediensystem, aber auch die weitaus geringere Bedeutung der Social-Media-Kanäle als Informationsquelle im Vergleich zu den USA. Die stärkste im Rahmen dieser Studie gemessene Fake News betraf eine Meldung über ein Volksfest in der badenwürttembergischen Stadt Schorndorf, auf dem “angeblich 1.000 Migranten randaliert hätten”, so das Narrativ der Fake News. Sie erzeugte ein Engagement von etwa 500.000, dies bedeutet, dass allein eine halbe Million Nutzer:innenaktivitäten in Form von Shares, Likes oder Comments in den Sozialen Netzwerken messbar waren." (Executive summary)
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"As many as 1,967 anti-Western comments were detected in the 17 monitored media outlets in 2017. In contrast to 2016 and 2015, when negative messages targeted human identity and rights, in 2017, a dominant topic was the foreign policy with the messages aimed at increasing the polarization on the for
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eign policy orientation of the country. This change in the strategic communication of pro-Kremlin actors shows that “loss of identity” was a rather tactical message that prepared the ground, while the messaging aimed at demonizing Georgia’s strategic partners (USA, NATO, EU) is of strategic nature. The United States of America accounted for the highest share of negative comments (25.9%), up by almost three times as compared to the previous year, followed by NATO (18,4%) and the West (14,1%). Compared to 2016, messages against the European Union have almost doubled (13.4%) whereas the comments about the loss of identity and human rights in anti-Western context have almost halved (12.9%). Comments against nongovernmental organizations (NGO) and the US philanthropist George Soros have trebled, as compared to 2016, and comprised 7.3%; this increase can be explained by a stepped up activity of far-right groups and their campaign to smear Open Society Georgia Foundation. Yet another change as compared to the previous years were clearer messages showcasing Russia as an alternative to the West and idealizing the Soviet system (7.2%). Comments against Great Britain (0,8%) have been mainly detected in two pro-Kremlin online media outlets – Georgia and the World, and Sakinformi. Alike previous years, the main source of anti-Western messages was media (827), followed by politicians (463), society (411), civil organizations (230) and the clergy (37). The structure of the Kremlin narrative in the Georgian discourse consists of three stages and aims at: 1. Creating threats; 2. Sowing distrust towards partners and Western institutions; 3. Ingraining a belief that Russia is the only option in fighting against the threats and that authoritative/Soviet-style governance is necessary. Four major threats were emphasized by pro-Kremlin actors: threat of war; threat of loss of territories; threat of bio subversion; threat of loss of identity." (Key findings, page 7)
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"This learning module designed to be used by journalists, journalism trainers and educators (along with their students) provides historical context for the analysis of the 21st century ‘fake news’ crisis. Relevant case studies and a timeline are designed to better inform users about the causes a
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nd consequences of ‘information disorder’– from harassment of journalists by ‘troll armies’ to the manipulation of elections and diplomatic crises. While news media have historically been caught up in disinformation and misinformation, including through news hoaxes, this is not regarded as legitimate in the dominant contemporary paradigm across different news media. This explains in part why contemporary manifestations of disinformation and misinformation are mainly evident in social media systems – with grave risks to authentic journalism and to open societies more broadly." (Page 2)
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