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Islamism on the Internet: 2018 Report

Patrick Frankenberger, Ingrid Hofmann, Flemming Ipsen, Fehime Oezmen, Nava Zarabian

jugendschutz.net (2019), 23 pp.

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Islamist Content on Telegram: Children and Young People Lack Protection

jugendschutz.net (2019), 5 pp.

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Jenseits der "Big three": Alternative Plattformen für Hassrede online

sCAN-Projektkonsortium (2019), 16 pp.

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Facebook India. Towards the Tipping Point of Violence: Caste and Religious Hate Speech

Thenmozhi Soundararajan, Abishek Kumar, Priya Nair, Josh Greely

Equality Labs (2019), 65 pp.

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United Nations Strategy and Plan of Action on Hate Speech

United Nations (2019), 5 pp.

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Counter-Narratives: Myanmar's Digital Media Activists

Sarah Oh

In: Myanmar Media in Transition: Legacies, Challenges and Change

Lisa Brooten, Jane Madlyn McElhone, Gayathry Venkiteswaran (eds.)

Singapore: ISEAS (2019), pp. 377-386

"In the months before Myanmar's national elections in November 2015, Khin Oo says she began to engage directly with Facebook users to dispel rumours and misinformation that, in her view, propagated hate and inflamed intercommunal tensions. She posted "right speech" and "right information" by comment ... more

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Counteracting Hate and Dangerous Speech Online: Strategies and Considerations

Rachel Brown, Laura Livingston

Tokyo: Toda Peace Institute (2019), 16 pp.

"This policy brief will examine the various factors that enable online hate speech to resonate, spread, and drive offline action. After briefly reviewing the features of social media that enable hate speech to spread online, we will explore tools for designing interventions to respond to this conten ... more

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Social Media Dynamics in Boko Haram’s Terrorist Insurgence

Medinat Abdulazeez Malefakis

Tokyo: Toda Peace Institute (2019), 15 pp.

"This policy brief analyses the use of social media by different groups affected by Boko Haram’s terrorist insurgence, including the group itself. The rate, speed, spread and belief which information from social media commands has changed theatres of war and amplified terrorist threats. The Nigeri ... more

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WorldCat (33)

Fake News: Moderne Lügen entlarven und entspannt reagieren

Thorben Prenzel

Frankfurt am Main: Wochenschau-Verlag (2019), 174 pp.

"Thorben Prenzel stellt in seinem Buch die Triple-A-Methode vor, die eine einfache Handlungsanleitung für den Alltag bietet. Diese verständliche Schritt-für-Schritt Anleitung hilft Ihnen, gekonnt die richtigen Argumente zur richtigen Zeit anzubringen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)

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From Preachers to Comedians: Ideal Types of Hate Speakers in Brazil

Liriam Sponholz, Rogério Christofoletti

Global Media and Communication, volume 15, issue 1 (2019), pp. 67-84

"This article attempts to develop a theoretical framework in order to understand how the media system has been enabling public figures to use hate speech to enhance their media prominence. The current scenario in Brazil, shaped by a high concentration of (private) media ownership, an economic crisis ... more

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Volkes Stimme? Zur Sprache des Rechtspopulismus

Thomas Niehr, Jana Reissen-Kosch

Bonn: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung (bpb), Sonderausg. (2019), 175 pp.

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Social Media in Africa: An Emerging Force for Autocrats and Activists

Geoffrey York

In: Media and Mass Atrocity: The Rwanda Genocide and Beyond

Allan Thompson (ed.)

Waterloo, Ontario: Centre for International Governance Innovation (2019), pp. 415-430

"The most extreme damage inflicted by social media can be seen in South Sudan. As documented in the chapter by Theo Dolan, social media in South Sudan has contributed to hatred and conflict among ethnic groups. Many investigators, including UN investigators, have warned that South Sudan's social med ... ia are triggering violence against ethnic groups. Since the beginning of the civil war in late 2013, social media has fuelled waves of hate speech that have provoked deadly violence and ethnic conflict in South Sudan, including massacres and other atrocities. In that sense, social media has become a new variation of the "hate radio" phenomenon that flourished in Rwanda before and during the 1994 genocide … Social media is also emerging as a powerful way to harass and intimidate the opponents of a regime or a political party. In this sense, it adds another weapon to the arsenal of a powerful regime that already has multiple weapons at its disposal. A regime can mobilize its supporters to use social media in a targeted way against its foes, or it can use its financial resources to create a fake army of fictional users on social media. In either case, it is tilting the playing field against its enemies. A targeted attack through social media can be more effective than the telephone threats or messages often deployed in the past. The use of social media can be more intimidating because it belittles the targeted person in front of a much bigger audience. The presence of this audience means that the attack is more damaging, more difficult to ignore and has the potential to mobilize large numbers of people against the victim … While social media is often used for anti-democratic purposes in Africa's authoritarian states, it has also been used as a force for reform, accountability and justice. It has helped to safeguard the fairness of elections. It has allowed greater scrutiny of potential threats, such as vote-rigging or violence, allowing citizens to be alerted when there is still a chance to prevent the worst abuses. It has put a spotlight on corruption and political wrongdoing, allowing activists to mobilize pressure on governments to resolve these long-neglected problems. In some cases, as it did in the Arab Spring, social media has played a role in toppling an authoritarian state. When an election was called in the small West African state of Gambia, where the dictator Yahya Jammeh had ruled for 22 years, opposition candidates had little access to state-controlled media. So the main opposition party created more than a dozen WhatsApp groups, allowing it to communicate with voters. Other forms of social media also proliferated. A leading independent group, the Gambia Youth and Women's Forum, discussed election issues on a public Facebook group with 55,000 members. The government blocked access to WhatsApp and eventually extended the shutdown to the entire internet, but Gambians used virtual private network (VPN) technology to bypass the shutdown. The opposition won the election and Jammeh was forced to flee the country." (Pages 419-423) more

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A Typology of the Islamic State's Social Media Distribution Network

Yannick Veilleux-Lepage

In: Media and Mass Atrocity: The Rwanda Genocide and Beyond

Allan Thompson (ed.)

Waterloo, Ontario: Centre for International Governance Innovation (2019), pp. 453-482

"The Islamic State's media strategy allows for a message that has been crafted by a handful of IS propaganda agents to be disseminated by a few primary distributors, who in turn can reach thousands of unaffiliated sympathizers, and therefore millions of Twitter users. By means of a conclusion, this ... more

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Research Report: A Report Summarising Campaigns, Training Resources and the Current State of Thinking on Counter Radicalisation Throughout the World
Deep Insights

Hannah Richter

GameChanger; Fundacja TechSoup – techsoupeurope; Radio Nederland Training Centre (RNTC) (2019), 87 pp.

"The report is split into three chapters: chapter one looks at over one hundred different campaigns, highlighting effective and successful campaigns, and the evaluations of them where possible. Those that are not evaluated can be used as inspiration. The categorisation of the different campaigns was ... more

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International Standards and Comparative National Approaches to Countering Disinformation in the Context of Freedom of the Media

Andrey Rikhter

Vienna: OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media; International Press Institute (IPI) (2019), 57 pp.

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The Psychology of State-Sponsored Disinformation Campaigns and Implications for Public Diplomacy

Erik C. Nisbet, Olga Kamenchuk

The Hague Journal of Diplomacy, volume 14, issue 1/2 (2019), pp. 65-82

"Policy discourse about disinformation focuses heavily on the technological dimensions of state-sponsored disinformation campaigns. Unfortunately, this myopic focus on technology has led to insufficient attention being paid to the underlying human factors driving the success of state-sponsored disin ... more

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Information Flows and Radicalization Leading to Violent Extremism in Central Asia

Search for Common Ground; Internews (2019), 77 pp.

"The study is comprised of three main parts: a desk study of available and accessible material – reports, documents and media material; a qualitative study comprising over 200 interviews with ordinary people, experts, and persons with direct experience with radicalization leading to violent extrem ... ism (RVE); and a quantitative component consisting of national surveys of people’s information consumption habits. For the desk study, the effort was made to gain as broad a picture as possible, that is, to cover all five countries of Central Asia – Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. However, predictably and unfortunately, Uzbekistan and especially Turkmenistan proved difficult cases to study in full. For both the qualitative and quantitative field research activities, for several reasons, only the first three countries were included. As a result, this study is able to report most robustly on these three countries and propose observations regarding Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan only to a limited extent. Based on the desk study, the drivers of extremist sympathies as established in existing research have been political grievances (injustice from state structures; identity-based discrimination; oppressive political regimes, etc), economic difficulties (unemployment; indebtedness; poverty; and desire for quick and greater income) and ideological motivations (resentment of false values; striving for the singularly just and true life; for reward in a perceived afterlife). To these push and pull factors are added a range of enabling factors, such as migration, young age, gender (women), and means of communication. All these drivers of RVE need to be treated with caution, as stressed by various authors and suggested by evidence gained in field research. A general observation, gained from the desk research and supported by evidence in both qualitative and quantitative field studies, was the difference among the countries in degree of control over the information space, or the degree of hegemony over public discourse. Of the three most fully studied countries, hegemonic discourse was the strongest in Tajikistan, followed by Kazakhstan, and the least in Kyrgyzstan. Uzbekistan, analyzed to a limited extent, would be closer to the extreme of Tajikistan, whereas Turkmenistan was too closed to make reasonably robust observations." (Page 3) more

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Countering False Information on Social Media in Disasters and Emergencies

U.S. Department of State, Social Media Working Group for Emergency Services and Disaster Management (2018), 19 pp.

"Best practices for agencies to counter misinformation, rumors and false information are detailed and categorized in this white paper, and challenges and additional considerations are presented for review. This report illustrates methods of countering false information on social media with case stud ... more

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Social Media and Conflict in Nigeria: A Lexicon of Hate Speech Terms

Will Ferroggiaro

Washington, DC: PeaceTech Lab (2018), 40 pp.

"PeaceTech Lab developed a Lexicon of Hate Speech Terms in Nigeria, combining cutting-edge social media analysis with in-country expertise to identify both the terms likely to incite violence and their social and political context. The Lexicon, published in April 2018, also identifies alternative la ... more

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Disinformation Resilience in Central and Eastern Europe

Kyiv: Foreign Policy Council “Ukrainian Prism” (Prismua); Eurasian States in Transition Research Center (EAST Center) (2018), 335 pp.

"This research is aimed at assessing national vulnerabilities and preparedness to counteract foreign-led disinformation in 14 countries of Eastern and Central Europe. The Visegrad states (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia), Eastern Partnership countries (Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia ... more

Research Report: A Report Summarising Campaigns, Training Resources and the Current State of Thinking on Counter Radicalisation Throughout the World Deep Insights

Research Report: A Report Summarising Campaigns, Training Resources and the Current State of Thinking on Counter Radicalisation Throughout the World
Deep Insights