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A Typology of the Islamic State's Social Media Distribution Network

Yannick Veilleux-Lepage

In: Media and Mass Atrocity: The Rwanda Genocide and Beyond

Allan Thompson (ed.)

Waterloo, Ontario: Centre for International Governance Innovation (2019), pp. 453-482

"The Islamic State's media strategy allows for a message that has been crafted by a handful of IS propaganda agents to be disseminated by a few primary distributors, who in turn can reach thousands of unaffiliated sympathizers, and therefore millions of Twitter users. By means of a conclusion, this ... more

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Counteracting Hate and Dangerous Speech Online: Strategies and Considerations

Rachel Brown, Laura Livingston

Tokyo: Toda Peace Institute (2019), 16 pp.

"This policy brief will examine the various factors that enable online hate speech to resonate, spread, and drive offline action. After briefly reviewing the features of social media that enable hate speech to spread online, we will explore tools for designing interventions to respond to this conten ... more

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Islamist Content on Telegram: Children and Young People Lack Protection

jugendschutz.net (2019), 5 pp.

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Die emotionale Wirkung terroristischer Kommunikation: zwischen professioneller Propaganda und medialer Berichterstattung

Michael Johann, Michael Oswald

Journal for Deradicalization, issue 19 (2019), pp. 219-258

"Der sogenannte Islamische Staat nutzt in seiner Kommunikationsstrategie vor allem eine Form von direkter Zielgruppenansprache über eigens produzierte Videos und Nachrichtenkanäle. Die Verwendung von massenmedialen Multiplikatoren ist zwar weiterhin ein wichtiger Bestandteil zur Verbreitung von An ... more

Google Scholar (133)

WorldCat (128)

Social Media in Africa: An Emerging Force for Autocrats and Activists

Geoffrey York

In: Media and Mass Atrocity: The Rwanda Genocide and Beyond

Allan Thompson (ed.)

Waterloo, Ontario: Centre for International Governance Innovation (2019), pp. 415-430

"The most extreme damage inflicted by social media can be seen in South Sudan. As documented in the chapter by Theo Dolan, social media in South Sudan has contributed to hatred and conflict among ethnic groups. Many investigators, including UN investigators, have warned that South Sudan's social med ... ia are triggering violence against ethnic groups. Since the beginning of the civil war in late 2013, social media has fuelled waves of hate speech that have provoked deadly violence and ethnic conflict in South Sudan, including massacres and other atrocities. In that sense, social media has become a new variation of the "hate radio" phenomenon that flourished in Rwanda before and during the 1994 genocide … Social media is also emerging as a powerful way to harass and intimidate the opponents of a regime or a political party. In this sense, it adds another weapon to the arsenal of a powerful regime that already has multiple weapons at its disposal. A regime can mobilize its supporters to use social media in a targeted way against its foes, or it can use its financial resources to create a fake army of fictional users on social media. In either case, it is tilting the playing field against its enemies. A targeted attack through social media can be more effective than the telephone threats or messages often deployed in the past. The use of social media can be more intimidating because it belittles the targeted person in front of a much bigger audience. The presence of this audience means that the attack is more damaging, more difficult to ignore and has the potential to mobilize large numbers of people against the victim … While social media is often used for anti-democratic purposes in Africa's authoritarian states, it has also been used as a force for reform, accountability and justice. It has helped to safeguard the fairness of elections. It has allowed greater scrutiny of potential threats, such as vote-rigging or violence, allowing citizens to be alerted when there is still a chance to prevent the worst abuses. It has put a spotlight on corruption and political wrongdoing, allowing activists to mobilize pressure on governments to resolve these long-neglected problems. In some cases, as it did in the Arab Spring, social media has played a role in toppling an authoritarian state. When an election was called in the small West African state of Gambia, where the dictator Yahya Jammeh had ruled for 22 years, opposition candidates had little access to state-controlled media. So the main opposition party created more than a dozen WhatsApp groups, allowing it to communicate with voters. Other forms of social media also proliferated. A leading independent group, the Gambia Youth and Women's Forum, discussed election issues on a public Facebook group with 55,000 members. The government blocked access to WhatsApp and eventually extended the shutdown to the entire internet, but Gambians used virtual private network (VPN) technology to bypass the shutdown. The opposition won the election and Jammeh was forced to flee the country." (Pages 419-423) more

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Social Media and Conflict in Iraq: A Lexicon of Hate Speech Terms

Dina Obaid et al.

Washington, DC: PeaceTech Lab; Better World Organization; Iraqi Alfourdus Organization; Iraqi Network for Social Media; Youth Without Borders (2019), 36 pp.

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Disinformation and Democracy: The Home Front in the Information War

Paul Butcher

Brussels: European Policy Centre (2019), 22 pp.

"Efforts to fight the spread of disinformation have had mixed results. Self-regulation by online platforms such as Twitter or Facebook puts a great deal of power in their hands, with potentially negative effects on independent news outlets that depend on social media for their outreach. State regula ... more

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Linkages as a Lens: An Exploration of Strategic Communications in P/CVE

Joe Whittaker, Lilah Elsayed

Journal for Deradicalization, issue 20 (2019), pp. 1-45

"Strategic communications for the purpose of countering violent extremism have become widespread in recent years, especially given the communications revolution which has amplified the messages of violent extremists and those that wish to counter them. Despite this, there is little-to-no research wh ... more

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Avoiding Discrimination & Hate Speech in Media: Guidebook

Muhammad Khamaiseh

Al Jazeera Media Institute (2019), 42 pp.

External Link (126)

International Standards and Comparative National Approaches to Countering Disinformation in the Context of Freedom of the Media

Andrey Rikhter

Vienna: OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media; International Press Institute (IPI) (2019), 57 pp.

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Information Flows and Radicalization Leading to Violent Extremism in Central Asia

Search for Common Ground; Internews (2019), 77 pp.

"The study is comprised of three main parts: a desk study of available and accessible material – reports, documents and media material; a qualitative study comprising over 200 interviews with ordinary people, experts, and persons with direct experience with radicalization leading to violent extrem ... ism (RVE); and a quantitative component consisting of national surveys of people’s information consumption habits. For the desk study, the effort was made to gain as broad a picture as possible, that is, to cover all five countries of Central Asia – Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. However, predictably and unfortunately, Uzbekistan and especially Turkmenistan proved difficult cases to study in full. For both the qualitative and quantitative field research activities, for several reasons, only the first three countries were included. As a result, this study is able to report most robustly on these three countries and propose observations regarding Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan only to a limited extent. Based on the desk study, the drivers of extremist sympathies as established in existing research have been political grievances (injustice from state structures; identity-based discrimination; oppressive political regimes, etc), economic difficulties (unemployment; indebtedness; poverty; and desire for quick and greater income) and ideological motivations (resentment of false values; striving for the singularly just and true life; for reward in a perceived afterlife). To these push and pull factors are added a range of enabling factors, such as migration, young age, gender (women), and means of communication. All these drivers of RVE need to be treated with caution, as stressed by various authors and suggested by evidence gained in field research. A general observation, gained from the desk research and supported by evidence in both qualitative and quantitative field studies, was the difference among the countries in degree of control over the information space, or the degree of hegemony over public discourse. Of the three most fully studied countries, hegemonic discourse was the strongest in Tajikistan, followed by Kazakhstan, and the least in Kyrgyzstan. Uzbekistan, analyzed to a limited extent, would be closer to the extreme of Tajikistan, whereas Turkmenistan was too closed to make reasonably robust observations." (Page 3) more

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Digital Jihad: Online Communication and Violent Extremism

Francesco Marone (ed.)

Milano: Ledizioni LediPublishing; Istituto per gli Studi di Politica Internazionale (ISPI) (2019), 156 pp.

"[...] this ISPI report aims to investigate the current landscape of jihadist online communication, including original empirical analysis. In doing so, the volume does not interpret the internet as a shapeless monolith but tries to highlight the opportunities and limitations of different digital pla ... more

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Managing Misinformation in a Humanitarian Context: Internews Rumour Tracking Methodology. Part III: How to Guide
Key Guides

Internews (2019), 61 pp.

"You will find information and advice on everything from how to source rumours and factcheck information, to how to share actionable and practical answers to address these rumours. Internews Rumour Tracking Methodology is designed to be flexible and responsive to local context – and you should be ... more

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Beyond the “Big Three”: Alternative Platforms for Online Hate Speech

SCAN Specialised Cyber-Activists Network (2019), 13 pp.

"As the ‘big three’ social media platforms Facebook, YouTube and Twitter increasingly lose their relevance for young users, other social media, especially Instagram, step up to fill this space. Our research showed that hate groups and extremists wishing to influence minors or young adults with t ... more

Google Scholar (106)

WorldCat (108)

Volkes Stimme? Zur Sprache des Rechtspopulismus

Thomas Niehr, Jana Reissen-Kosch

Bonn: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung (bpb), Sonderausg. (2019), 175 pp.

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Filmemacher des Terrors: Die Bildpropaganda des globalen Dschihad

Asiem El Difraoui

In: Diaspora: Netzwerke globaler Gemeinschaften

Caroline Y. Robertson-von Trotha (ed.)

Karlsruhe: KIT Scientific Publishing; Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen (ifa) (2019), pp. 147-160

"Die Medien und die breite Öffentlichkeit zeigen sich oftmals verwundert über die Perfektion der IS-Propaganda. Dabei wird übersehen, dass der Medienkrieg des Pseudo-Islamischen Staats auf einer ‚Großen Erzählung', einer ‚Meistererzählung' basiert, an der dschihadistische Organisationen se ... more

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Facebook India. Towards the Tipping Point of Violence: Caste and Religious Hate Speech

Thenmozhi Soundararajan, Abishek Kumar, Priya Nair, Josh Greely

Equality Labs (2019), 65 pp.

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Reviewing the Role of the Internet in Radicalization Processes

Özen Odag, Anne Leiser, Klaus Boehnke

Journal for Deradicalization, issue 21 (2019), pp. 261-299

"This review presents the existing research on the role of the Internet in radicalization processes. Using a systematic literature search strategy, our paper yields 88 studies on the role of the Internet in a) right-wing extremism and b) radical jihadism. Available studies display a predominant inte ... more