"Der Suchmaschinen-Konzern ist für die Verlagsbranche beinahe unverzichtbar. Doch Googles Dominanz scheint kaum jemand zu stören. Eine Datenanalyse von netzpolitik.org zeigt, wie Google mit einem 150-Millionen-Euro-Programm den Medienverlagen Honig ums Maul schmiert."
"GFMD members welcome the international recognition of media and journalism issues within the overall international development agenda, noting the common language it provides and the accountability tool it may offer towards encouraging governments (including donor countries) to live up to their comm
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itments. Some members caution, however, that there are risks in viewing 16.10, and the SDGs in general, both too broadly and too narrowly. This includes, for example, the wider parameters of access to information – which applies not only to journalists, but to civil society organisations, citizens, and others – as well as a danger that access to information might overshadow attention to violence agai nst journalists. Others suggest that 16.10 should be seen in the overall context of Goal 16 – that is: peace, justice, and public institutions – to ensure that media-related assistance continues to look at the fuller enabling environment of laws, policies, and actors that ensure plurality, safety, and viability. Furthermore, some GFMD members caution against getting stuck in the “silo” of 16.10. These members remind of the need to demonstrate that media and information are not just rights in and unto themselves, but they can also be enabling rights for others – such as gender equality and the environment – and thus important and relevant for the whole SDG agenda. This does not suggest instrumentalising media for the sake of contributing to other SDGs, but rather strengthening the role of media in serving as a watchdog, holding governments accountable, informing the public, providing a voice for the voiceless, and offering a platform for debate.10 The leading concern about an SDG approach, however, is that it is ill-suited for authoritarian governments that not only reject the international development agenda, but also international standards on human rights." (Conclusions)
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"With independent media around the world in crisis, what is the role of international donors and private foundations? And how can these international actors provide effective support when the driving forces behind independent media’s decline—simultaneously technological, financial, social, polit
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ical, and institutional—are so complex and difficult to disentangle? This report argues that complexity is no excuse for inaction. Solutions to this crisis will require that political agency rise to the daunting level of the challenge, and that the structures of international cooperation—forged as the global response to World War II—are now put into motion to safeguard the foundations of independent media. Based on input from media actors, freedom of expression activists, implementers, and donors, the report puts forward three interrelated objectives that, if achieved, would help to international cooperation in the media sector. 1. Build the high-level political will and donor capacity needed to increase support to the media sector; 2. Strengthen approaches to international cooperation focused on the development of media sector institutions; 3. Enhance the effectiveness of media sector support by making it more demand-driven and coordinated." (Key findings)
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"Media development specialists and activists need a concept of media development that understands and addresses the deeply political nature of the media as an institution. We also need a way to cope with rapidly changing technology and the media's increasingly global nature. Media development is as
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much about building strong political foundations for independent media as it is about high-quality journalism. It also requires integration and scaling up within broader democratic governance reforms. This type of media development depends on engaging with a wider group of actors at the count ry level, not just journalists, editors and other media agents, but also civil society, private sector, and government representatives. It requires activists to develop more sophisticated analysis and policy positions that consider the broader institutional and governance framework for the media. For the purposes of this essay, I will refer to this effort to engage with a wider group of change agents in society on media reforms as a demand-driven approach. Media reform efforts that fail to engage with local actors and build consensus and sustainable structures within their societies can actually impede media development and the critical freedoms and responsibilities on which it rests. While journalistic skills and business models for the news media are critically important, sustainable reforms in media systems require an environment that produces two outcomes: (1) political acceptance of open debate, vigorous fact-finding, and open dissent; and (2) quality journalism based on fairness, high ethical standards, and accuracy." (Page 31)
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"This article looks at the relationship between four major newspapers in Nigeria and foreign donors. The discussion centres on the attractions and drawbacks of foreign donor funding from these newspapers’ point of view and highlights points of convergence and divergence in the agendas of the newsp
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apers and the international donors. The aim of the discussion is, through this case study of four newspapers, to highlight some issues pertaining to aid in the media sector, emphasising the perspective of the aid recipients, as opposed to the donors’, whose point of view tends to be more widely articulated." (Abstract)
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"The Gender Sensitive Public Communications Project was implemented by Search for Common Ground in Lebanon, together with its local partner Abaad, with an aim to promote women’s participation in politics through the production of gender sensitive television drama and short films. Specifically, the
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project was designed to increase the belief of television audiences in women’s political leadership capacity and to strengthen the capacity of television professionals to produce gender sensitive programs [...] A total of 416.033 viewers have watched two mini series that were aired on the Lebanese TV channel Al Jadeed. With an average minute rating of 5.35%, the performance of the project’s mini series is considered medium as compared to other popular TV series broadcasted on Al Jadeed. Close to 97% of the surveyed participants who have watched the two mini series and/or the four short films, stated that they felt the stories addressed real concerns and issues in the Lebanese society, and that the storylines were realistic. The evaluation findings suggest that the workshops conducted with the students were successful in strengthening the participants’ capacities to produce gender sensitive programs with an aim to promote the participation of women in politics. The workshops were able to increase their knowledge on specific topics, such as gender related legal matters, mapping of ideas and gender sensitive writing. More than half of the students who participated in the workshop, and who were interviewed during the evaluation, confirmed having gained knowledge on gender related topics, and all students who took part in the online survey answered that the workshop had increased their knowledge on producing gender sensitive programs “a lot." (Executive summary, page 5-6)
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"Women are a great untapped potential in Cambodia. That is the driving idea behind the EU-funded project “Women into Politics! Greater female participation in Cambodia”. This three-year project reached women from different regions in Cambodia and gave them the communications skills they needed t
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o run for political office and talk to their constituents or become community leaders in their own locales. It was implemented by Germany’s leading media development organization DW Akademie, local partners Banteay Srei (BtS) and the Women’s Media Centre of Cambodia (WMC), and two third-party funding recipients, Cambodian Volunteers for Society (CVS) and the Youth Council of Cambodia (YCC). The project made use of media—radio, video and, especially, social media—as well as community forums to reach young people, particularly women and first-time voters, in the runup to communal and national elections. This gave them the knowledge they needed to make informed choices at the polls. The project disseminated information on topics with special relevance to women that emerged from local forums where community women could make their voices heard. The project’s overarching goals, empowerment and greater equality for Cambodian women, were in line with the European Union’s focus on gender equality and its commitment to the protection and fulfilment of human rights for women and girls. This best-practice handbook aims to provide an overview of the project—its goals, its approach, its activities and its results. It will look at who was primarily involved in each activity field, how they contributed or benefited, and what came of the three years of project work. This handbook also examines the challenges involved in carrying out the planned activities in a political environment that saw significant changes during the project period." (Introduction)
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"Recent trends in journalism education in Africa indicate a substantial increase both in scope and specialisation. While this increase is usually attributed to higher education institutions’ response to market trends, certain journalism education programmes are born out of development assistance i
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nitiatives that envision nation-building imperatives of democratisation and development. The Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (NORAD) is notable for its involvement in higher education journalism training at a graduate level in select countries in the Global South. This article assesses the presently discontinued involvement of NORAD in the establishment of a graduate journalism programme at Addis Ababa University in Ethiopia between 2004–2007. In doing so, it reviews what has been learned over the lifespan of NORAD's sponsorship of the programme by discussing what worked and what did not work. Findings generated from document analysis, an online survey, and interviews indicate the project fell short of its mission due to its top-down, “magic-bullet” conceptualisation of democratisation that failed to take into account the political and legal-rational conundrums of the Ethiopian state. However, unanticipated yet useful contributions emerged from the project in terms of forging small-scale partnerships that yielded favourable results in the development of journalism education in sub-Saharan Africa." (Abstract)
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"This study examines the role of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in shaping health reporting in Tanzania. Drawing on in-depth interviews with representatives from NGOs cited in HIV/AIDS-related stories published in the Tanzanian newspapers, the Daily News and The Guardian, the analysis focuses
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on financial incentives and resources committed by NGOs to foster collaborative relationships with journalists. Findings reveal that media training opportunities, seminars and “sitting fees” are used to gain and keep journalists’ attention on health issues, increasing promotional and advocacy-based reporting. Incentive-based reporting raises ethical and normative questions about editorial freedom for both news sources and journalists." (Abstract)
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"The No News Is Bad News (NNIBN) programme started in January 2016. The aim of the NNIBN Programme is to work towards the following vision: media and journalists, as independent players in civil society, constitute a diverse and professional media landscape and function as change catalysts. This is
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done by working towards three interlinked Intermediate Outcomes: an enabling environment for the media is established, conducive to freedom of expression, pluralism, and diversity; media serve the interest of the public and act as a watchdog on their behalf; journalists and media-actors work professionally and are effective and sustainable [...] The outcome harvesting activities Free Press Unlimited has done with our partners in Pakistan have had four outputs or applications: an evaluation of the Pakistan country programme, which has resulted in this document; lessons learned for future outcome harvesting workshops, which have been used to draft a pilot evaluation report and a two-pager on outcome harvesting at Free Press Unlimited; input for the Mid-Term-Review of the No News is Bad News programme as a whole; recommendations on the priorities and strategies for the programme going forward, discussed together with Free Press Unlimited’s programme staff and our partners in Pakistan." (Page 3-4)
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"The Digital News Innovation Fund (DNI Fund) is a European programme that’s part of the Google News Initiative, an effort to help journalism thrive in the digital age. The DNI Fund is a €150 million commitment to support and kick-start innovation within the European news ecosystem. Entering its
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third year, the DNI Fund is coming of age, and a community of successful project owners has flourished. We’ve seen projects transform from ideas to remarkable and highly impactful solutions that are already making a difference in newsrooms. In this report, you’ll find a full overview of DNI Fund activity as well as details of many brilliant concepts from across Europe that are tackling four key industry challenges: battling misinformation, telling local stories, boosting digital revenues and exploring new technologies. We hope you enjoy reading about them." (Page 1)
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"Robert G. Picard describes the evolvement of UNESCO's media development indicators. The chapter describes a growing focus on economic, financial and managerial dimensions, since, it argues, they pave the fundament to any sustainable, commercial or non-commercial journalistic venture. What Picard cr
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itically argues is that there is no universal quick fix for sustainable journalism. Any normative effort to define and measure media development or sustainable journalism also needs to take into account the local contingencies, where sustainability may look quite different depending on its temporal, geographic, economic and cultural context." (Page xxxi)
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"When donors provide assistance to the media sector, they frequently back projects that aim to strengthen the media’s contribution to good governance in some way or another. This kind of funding is consistent with recent declarations made by the international community on the importance of protect
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ing independent media for the sake of democracy and development. Yet, in the bigger picture, donors still only commit a tiny fraction to this sector and appear to be responding slowly, if at all, to the unique challenges of press freedom in the digital age. Media assistance represented on average just 0.3 percent of total official development aid (ODA) between 2010 and 2015. Donor flows to media are small, but are holding steady. China is an increasingly active player in terms of global media aid flows, although its interventions are largely focused on developing infrastructure and take the form of loans rather than development grants." (Key findings)
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"While the internal dynamics or the role of the state has had a significant bearing on how media systems evolve and change, both internal and external factors have contributed to the type of media that exists in Malawi today. Although Hallin and Mancini did not include at length the role of external
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forces, they did rightfully point out that “media systems are shaped by the wider context of political history, structure, and the culture” (ibid., 2004, page 46). This being said, media systems in aid-dependent contexts should start with a historical interrogation of foreign aid and its conditionalities; because if, as political realists claim, foreign aid is a coercive foreign policy tool that can be used to manipulate change, its ability to shape the type of media a country has emphasises the need for reassessing the way in which we, as media systems researchers, study media systems. In addition, we should not isolate the analysis of media systems through one theoretical lens, but approach international relations theory to challenge and reinvigorate the structural and ideological power arrangements that exist. While no broader generalisations can be made until further analysis is undertaken, it is hoped that the study will serve as a valuable starting point for highlighting the inherently faulty analysis of studying media systems through an internal lens only. This will become even more apparent with the rising economies of China, the United Arab Emirates, Brazil, Korea and India, which “are subtly changing the rules of foreign aid with profound consequences for the role of multilateral institutions and conditionality”." (Page 409)
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"Media democracy promotion is a hidden form of international development aid (IDA). However, the dynamics underlying democracy promotion and their adaptation in local contexts is hardly considered when evaluating or theorizing international media development aid (IMDA). Multi-lateral organizations (
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MLOs) are important carriers of democratic ideals and different interpretations. In this paper, I unravel the dynamics between multi-lateral organizations and local actors during the media reform debates in three MERCOSUR countries; Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay." (Abstract)
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"Ashoka is an organization that supports social entrepreneurs around the world and has the longest track record of doing so. It has identified and supported over 3,500 “Ashoka Fellows,” many of whom are in the media sector. Therefore, Ashoka sits on a treasure trove of data on transformative med
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ia innovations. We analyzed this data to understand how social entrepreneurs around the world are trying to improve the media landscape, assessed the most successful approaches, and identified gaps that social entrepreneurship has not yet filled. To do so, we selected a subset of Ashoka Fellows whose primary aim is to improve the media landscape and who are demonstrably making a substantial impact. We call them “Core Media Fellows” and selected them from an initial pool of 231 Fellows, after gathering extensive data and applying rigorous selection criteria to identify the final cohort. Each of these fifty social entrepreneurs seeks to harness the tectonic shifts under way in the global media landscape to more constructively serve societal interests. Among the group, we found stunning diversity. For example, Core Media Fellows hailed from twenty-two countries. But we also discerned broad similarities. Indeed, each of the fifty Fellows pursued one of five overarching goals: Improving the infrastructure and environment within which the media operates; Improving standards of reporting to strengthen the quality of journalism; Ensuring the media is a vehicle for civic engagement; Making the media a self-sustaining business; Increasing media literacy by providing the public with diverse and representative content. Our study of social entrepreneurs reveals important lessons—spanning strategies to represent marginalized voices to partnership models within and beyond the media industry—for how to transform the media. But it also uncovers areas of need, such as business model innovations, where too few social entrepreneurs have found the support to pilot approaches that ultimately could reverse the media’s declining fortunes." (Pages 1-2)
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"This document presents an update on the activities undertaken with respect to IPDC Special Initiatives on 1) the Safety of Journalists and Issue of Impunity, 2) media-related indicators, 3) Global Initiative for Excellence in Journalism Education and 4) knowledge-driven media development: follow-up
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to SDGs. The document also reports on IPDC responses to emerging issues, namely on 1) media and migration and 2) fighting violent extremism." (Page 1)
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