"The article examines the notion of development as self-determination in the context of current politicisation of indigenous peoples’ affairs. It looks at the links between development studies, indigenous social movements, and community media practices; and more specifically between specific views
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on development, self-determination, and identity, and how these terms become embodied in specific media-making (video) practices. The article summarises two case studies of indigenous media production in a transnational context: the UNESCO-funded project Information and Communications Technologies for Intercultural Dialogue: Developing Communication Capacities of Indigenous People (ICT4ID), and the emergence and consolidation of CLACPI, a network of indigenous media producers in Latin America." (Abstract)
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"This publication describes the main media assistance funders outside the USA in an alphabetical fashion from 'Arab States' to 'United Kingdom', complemented by data on the European Commission (EC), UNESCO and UNDP. The EC is likely to be the biggest single funder of media development projects besid
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es the United States. An approximate and conservative guess was a current yearly commitment by the EC of about $82 million worth of media-related projects. For comparison, Sweden and Norway provided $30 million and $19 million on media support, respectively, in 2008, and the Netherlands and Switzerland were estimated to fund about $37 million and $29 million per year, respectively. In forming part of the "governance" agenda of many donors the rationale for media support is being much more precisely articulated than in the past, and it is no longer as confused with either communications as public relations or with communications as a tool for social or behavioural change. Nevertheless, often there is no long-term strategy or commitment for media development and, as a result, more complex media reform programmes (for instance legislation, reform of state broadcasters, or establishment of national training structures) are not tackled accordingly." (CAMECO Update 1-2010)
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"This report examines the key issues surrounding threats to the physical safety of journalists, particularly in countries with hostile media environments. While acknowledging the serious impact of repressive measures such as imprisonment, the focus of the report is sharply on incidents of violence.
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[...] If the problem of violence against journalists has so far proven intractable, enough strong research, analysis and advocacy has been done over the past two decades to provide a clear understanding of the challenges—and some potential answers. Drawing on the experience of press freedom experts, and especially on the insights of some of those on the front lines of violence, these are recommendations for action that could improve the hopes of true solutions: get the facts, and get them as straight as possible; more targeted coordination of efforts by international organizations; create a pilot project of independent investigation; toughening the policy approach; broaden the approach to training, and fund it better." (Executive summary, page 5-7)
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"The essential thesis of this paper is that the requirements and problems of the media sector differ substantially from country to country according to its political, social and economic conditions: in authoritarian states the scope and intensity of media assistance is quite limited, whereas democra
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tizing countries are open for foreign assistance on developing an independent media sector; in war-torn societies the first objective should be to provide increased access to accurate news, and post-conflict societies offer good opportunities for the promotion of independent media. For each of these four categories the paper proposes different media assistance intervention strategies." (commbox)
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"Western-supported media assistance in transition and developing countries has a long history. Building independent media, preferably through the nongovernmental sector, is seen as an important aspect of achieving mondernization and democratization. This article questions the idealized assumptions u
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nderlining such programmes and argues that media assistance donors rarely analyze it critically. The article discusses the political character of Western media assistance and explores the organizational eco-system in which the NGOs flourish. The article concludes by observing NGOs' unexpected power in the process of providing Western media assistance." (Abstract)
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"1. The media development community should work within individual media houses to create in-house, publicly reported complaint systems rather than relying solely on outside press councils to do the job. 2. Funding groups should encourage media criticism, in forms such as local journalism reviews. 3.
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Press councils and ombudsmen should be adequately funded from a variety of sources (NGOs, media organizations, international donors) while safe-guarding their independence. 4. In the establishment of a press council, there must be an effective mechanism to avoid, or greatly reduce, the possibility that complainants will take advantage of defamation laws and take their issues to court rather than to the council. 5. To be effective, press councils and ombudsmen should focus on journalistic standards: ethical behavior (such as not accepting payment for stories), fairness, balance, and using appropriate and varied sources for information." (Summary of recommendations, page 7)
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"The development of media in post-Taliban Afghanistan has been relatively successful (compared with both the Taliban regime and other countries subject to international intervention) in establishing free and responsible expression despite the lack of electricity, harsh terrain, absence of viable med
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ia outlets during the Taliban regime, and a conservative religious society that subordinates women. However, Afghanistan’s media development remains incomplete. Since it still faces many challenges, the international community must continue to assist and support it. Three main processes contributed to Afghanistan’s initial media success: the proliferation of local media, especially radio; the government’s increased capacity to communicate; and international media that filled gaps that otherwise might have become problematic. This three-pronged approach in Afghanistan may provide useful lessons for other societies emerging from conflict." (Summary)
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"According to the introduction, this 'guide is intended as a tool for media reform particularly in developing and transitional democracies. At the same time, it should be useful anywhere people aspire to a deeper democracy. Building democracy is a process, often long-term, and promoting free, plural
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istic, and independent media should be a central part of it.' The book provides development practitioners with an overview of the key policy and regulatory issues involved in supporting freedom of information and expression and enabling independent public service media. Country examples illustrate how these norms have been institutionalized in various contexts. Specific chapters cover public service, community nonprofit and commercial broadcasting regulation. The study is complemented by a 122-page bibliographical annex." (CAMECO Update 5-2008)
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"This report provides an assessment of U.S. international media development efforts, both public and private, and calls on future efforts to be more long-term, comprehensive, and need-driven. Recommending a more holistic assistance approach, the report looks at the international media development fi
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eld from a number of perspectives: funding, professional development, education, the legal-enabling environment, economic sustainability, media literacy, new media, and monitoring and evaluation. The report's recommendations include: establishing media development as its own sector of international assistance rather than only as a part of other development efforts as is the current trend; taking longer-term approaches to projects; engaging the local media community more in project designand implementation; improving journalists' professional skills and ethical standards; providing greater support to improve the legal-enabling environment; emphasizing media literacy; building stronger media management skills; integrating new technology; refining monitoring and evaluation methods; improving coordination among donors and implementers; integrating communication for development strategies in overall media assistance efforts." (CAMECO Update 5-2008)
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"Donor policies place great emphasis on the importance of state-building in post-Conflict states, and many donors also recognize the relevance civil society and a professional media sector have for successful transformation processes, says this report. However, operationally and conceptually these a
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reas are treated as separate sectors. Current post-Conflict assistance, this study argues, fails to pay sufficient attention to the links between state institutions, civil society and the media. In the first part, it reviews the current state-building debate and introduces the public sphere framework. For practitioners, the study provides a public sphere assessment toolkit and a toolbox for interventions. The second part provides the reader with a public sphere analysis of Timor Leste, Liberia and Burundi, and recommendations on how to address the specific challenges observed in these countries." (CAMECO Update 5-2008)
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"Die Arbeit untersucht, welche Rolle die Medien für die Demokratisierung des von 24 Jahren Krieg zerstörten Landes spielen können. Vor allem internationale Hilfsorganisationen sind gefordert, die aufkeimende afghanische Presse auf dem Weg zu Demokratie und Freiheit zu begleiten. Nach theoretische
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n Überlegungen zu Demokratie und Medien sowie der politischen Situation Afghanistans richtet sich das Hauptaugenmerk auf die praktische Medienförderung vor Ort. Die Verfasserin bereiste im April 2004 das Camp des Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRT) der Bundeswehr in Kunduz und besuchte eine Woche lang verschiedene Presseprojekte der Deutschen sowie weitere Medienprojekte internationaler NGOs in Kunduz. Es wird deutlich, dass Medien in Zeiten des gesamtgesellschaftlichen Umbruchs eine wichtige Rolle für den Demokratisierungsprozess eines Landes spielen können. Medienhilfe muss zudem mit konventioneller Entwicklungshilfe kooperieren und sich an die Gegebenheiten des Landes anpassen. Nur so kann eine Presselandschaft entstehen, die zum jeweiligen Volk passt und sich somit auch nach dem Abzug der internationalen Hilfsorganisationen weiterentwickeln und finanzieren kann." (Abstract, aus: Transfer 1/2005, http://www.dgpuk.de/transfer)
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"There is very little undestanding of the role that communicartion processes play in the numerous starnds of post-conflict reconstruction, including peacebuilding, governance, and long-term development. This paper addressess this gap by distilling lessons learned from the media and communication str
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ategies of different donors. It takes as its primary case study the Office of Transition Initiatives at the U.S. Agency for International Development, which has long track record of media and communication work in post-conflict environments. In doing so, it seeks to present a new model for understanding and working with communication in post-conflict and fragile environments." (Foreword)
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"Having a vibrant media scene is a necessary prerequisite to human development and good governance. But, the time has come for us, media practitioners and support organisations, to accept and recognise that this is too complex to bring about on our own. It would be prudent to recognise the limitatio
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ns of our sector, and create appropriate evaluation and impact assessment tools. The existing tools and methodologies are devised to give a macro picture of the overall environments but fail to clearly demarcate the roles played by various actors: State, Judiciary, Executive, Civil Society and Media. Media is just one contributing factor, albeit an important one at that. Hence, it is imperative to track the spheres of influence wielded by the sector so that support organisations are not misled into tracking and measuring overall environments while attempting to quantify the impact that media support organisations have in the process of change." (Page 2)
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"Les médiassont appelés à jouer un rôle de plus en plus important dans la lutte contrela pauvreté et la poursuite des Objectifs du Millénaire. Cela fait longtempsqu’on glose à ce sujet. Mais combien de bailleurs et d’ONG s’investissent ne serait-ce que ponc-tuellement dans l’appui aux
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médias du Sud ? Quelle part de l’aide leur estaccordée ? Combien de programme et de projets consacrent une partie deleurs budgets à une communication qui vise réellement le renforcementdes personnes et le changement social ? Combien d’agences de déve-loppement ou d’ONG possèdent un département de communication etd’information digne de ce nom préoccupé par autre chose que l’autopro-motion institutionnelle et les relations publiques ? Comptez-vous....Les documents préparatoires de la 10ème table ronde inter institutionsdes Nations Unies sur la communication au développement (2007) ad-mettaient qu’en dépit des discours, la communication pour le développe-ment n’a pas été assez intégrée aux stratégies de développement.L’appropriation, la participation, le dialogue sont des objectifs de plus enplus mis en avant, mais aucune stratégie concrète n’est réellement pré-conisée. Les conceptions de la communication se limitent à la publicitédes projets. Il semblerait qu’on ne se soit pas suffisamment préoccupé departager le savoir pour rechercher réellement le consensus sur la planifi-cation, la mise en œuvre et l’évaluation des projets de développement.Faute d’engagement, le débat sur les médias et le développement a trèspeu évolué ces 20 dernières années car les références ont très peu changéfinalement. Les colloques se succèdent et leurs recommandations réin-ventent sans cesse la poudre, on habille les bonnes intentions de nou-veaux oripeaux méthodologiques, de nouvelles formules creuses et onlance des pétards mouillés qu’on regarde s’éteindre..." (Éditorial)
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