"Tenemos que afirmar que, en estos días, está en su casi totalidad, por lo menos cuando nos referimos a los medios de comunicación masivos; permeado y bajo el control de las élites económicas que, además, hay que recordarlo, son en su inmensa mayoría élites masculinas. Esta situación de dom
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inación supondrá una evidente retroalimentación de conceptos y visiones desde el mundo económico al comunicacional donde, entre otras, será también dominante la visión patriarcal. Pero podemos ir más allá aún y, al hilo de ese sometimiento al poder económico, recuperar la cita inicial que abre esta introducción para entender que el cuarto poder, el mediático, además de estar hoy supeditado a las élites económicas, ante la ausencia de un contrapoder que lo reequilibre y controle en sus actuaciones, no es un poder necesariamente democrático. Sobre todo esto, entre otros aspectos, iremos profundizando en las páginas siguientes y, de alguna forma, en la totalidad de este ensayo. En los últimos capítulos, hablaremos también de ese posible contrapoder que constituiría la comunicación alternativa, comunitaria, basado en la sociedad civil." (Introducción)
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"This report highlights numerous troubling developments in Turkey’s media landscape. Distrust in the media has reached crisis proportions, with fully 70 percent of Turks viewing the media as dishonest. These doubts have formed the backdrop for rapid shifts in how Turks access political news and in
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formation, as citizens turn toward online outlets and social media platforms that are more independent of government control but are themselves often rife with misinformation. Such changes have created an increasingly fragmented media landscape, in which Turks of different political parties, ages, and regions are consuming news from very different sources. Unfortunately, many of these sources are unreliable, and none enjoys trust across the political spectrum. The political repercussions of these trends will deeply affect both Turkey and its Western allies. Indeed, these same challenges, including distrust of the media and severe political polarization, are afflicting numerous other NATO countries, from Poland to the United States. The growing prevalence of misinformation may further aggravate partisan divides and weaken accountability. Already it has undermined Turkey’s response to the coronavirus pandemic." (Page 16)
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"The unique dangers of the new communication revolution fall into several categories: Velocity – The lightning speed of online communication is in tension with democracy because well-timed lies immediately preceding an election can gain a national audience before they can be rebutted; Virality –
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The legacy intermediaries that served to cabin what kinds of speech received a national audience have declined in importance in the internet age. With their decline, virality has become the new coin of the political communication realm. The kinds of speech, strategies, and candidacies most likely to succeed in a regime that places primacy on virality are those that appeal to emotion, especially to outrage. Democratic discourse requires some baseline of reasoned deliberation that is not well-served by a communication system based on virality; Anonymity – Anonymity can be an indispensable protection for dissenters in authoritarian and democratic regimes, alike, but it also gives rise to a range of unaccountable anti-democratic speech. Although hate groups are increasingly willing to march in the light of day, they fester and foster in the anonymity the internet provides. Moreover, the privileging of anonymity is what generates the “bot” problem – in which computer code generates much of online communication that is increasingly indistinguishable from human speech. So too, the problem of foreign interference in election campaigns is facilitated by internet anonymity, because the origin of campaign speech is unknown to the audience and regulator alike; [...]" (Executive summary)
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"Malaysia’s Pakatan Harapan government fell rapidly in late February 2020 as a result of coalition infighting and power struggles among the political elite. A major factor in the government’s sudden collapse was rising ethnoreligious tension between Muslim-Malay nationalists in the opposition an
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d ethnic Chinese who formed part of the ruling coalition. Such tension appeared to have grown over the 22-month period of the multi-ethnic coalition government, leading to concern about political polarization and the potential for communal unrest in Malaysia. Malaysia follows a pattern seen recently in other countries (e.g., Indonesia, United States) where the rise to public office of a minority has been followed by an anti-pluralist backlash. Social media played an important role in Malaysia during this period in amplifying and reinforcing religious and ethnic-based appeals. An analysis of social media data shows that, by one measure, the volume of anti-Chinese sentiment online spiked in the days around the fall of the government. Although unrest was avoided during these events, more research is needed on the interplay between social media and polarization in Malaysia. The events leading to the fall of the Pakatan Harapan government indicate that Malaysia may be following the Indonesian trend, where the primary cleavage is not one of race but of religious conservatives versus cosmopolitan pluralists." (Executive summary)
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"En Algérie, le poids des réseaux sociaux dans le renouvellement de l’engagement citoyen dans la vie politique et l’impact des mobilisations citoyennes sur le paysage politique sont étroitement liés à l’absence d’un environnement favorable à toute autre forme d’association et d’exp
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ression politique autonome en raison de la mise sous contrôle par l’État ou de la neutralisation de propositions qui viendraient remettre en question les équilibres de pouvoir qui ont dirigé le pays depuis des décennies. En ce sens, les réseaux sociaux ont permis l’émergence de nouveaux espaces de discussion et de coordination débouchant sur l’action collective et investis par de jeunes acteurs actifs et résolus à changer la donne. Les NTIC et les réseaux sociaux ont constitué ainsi une bouffée d’oxygène pour une société limitée dans son action et dans son expression en favorisant une participation citoyenne." (Conclusions)
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"In der politischen Kommunikation zeigen sich markante Veränderungen: Sie wird digitaler, effizienter, pluraler, individueller, globaler, dynamischer und hybrider – vorangetrieben durch die Diffusion der digital basierten Medien. Diese sieben Tendenzen bündeln sich zu einem strukturellen Wandel.
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Der ist ambivalent und öffnet Chancen für Außenseiter und birgt Risiken für etablierte Akteure. Individuen, Organisationen und Gesellschaften können den Wandel gestalten. Es ist abzusehen, dass Künstliche Intelligenz einen weiteren Schub des strukturellen Wandels auslösen wird." (Zusammenfassung)
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"Massenmedien sind für die meisten Menschen die bei weitem wichtigste Quelle politischer Informationen. Sie bilden das politische Geschehen nicht einfach ab, sondern haben durch ihre Selektionskriterien und Deutungsmuster eigenständige Einflüsse auf die politischen Einstellungen der Rezipienten.
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Dieses Kapitel systematisiert zunächst die Randbedingungen dieser Einflüsse und diskutiert dann im Speziellen Medieneinflüsse auf Einstellungen zu politischen Sachthemen und Akteuren." (Zusammenfassung)
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"Die standardisierte Inhaltsanalyse stellt ein für die Forschung zur politischen Kommunikation unverzichtbares methodisches Instrumentarium bereit, um die ausufernde Menge an politisch relevanten Mitteilungen im öffentlichen und halböffentlichen Diskursraum systematisch zu beschreiben. Die gegen
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ber dem Untersuchungsmaterial weitgehend non-reaktive Vorgehensweise liefert intersubjektiv nachvollziehbare Befunde. Der Beitrag leistet eine methodologische Auseinandersetzung mit den Grundprinzipien, Stärken und Schwächen der Inhaltsanalyse und ihrem Erkenntnishorizont." (Zusammenfassung)
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"Aus vier Traditionen normativer Demokratietheorie (liberal, republikanisch, deliberativ und agonistisch) leiten wir vier Kerndimensionen öffentlicher Kommunikation ab, anhand derer man die demokratische Qualität politischer Öffentlichkeiten messen und bewerten kann. Sodann fassen wir den Kenntni
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sstand zu den öffentlichkeitsrelevanten Leistungen prototypischer Medienangebote auf unterschiedlichen Ebenen von Öffentlichkeit zusammen. Abschließend bilanzieren wir, wie die Leistungen der unterschiedlichen Teilöffentlichkeiten aus der Perspektive der vier normativen Theorietraditionen zu bewerten sind." (Zusammenfassung)
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"This book explores the different ways Francophone research on news media has faced the challenges of dependence and independence from three complementary perspectives. The first is economics - how can sustainable business models be developed and to what extent can crowdfunding help to maintain the
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financial and editorial independence of newsrooms? Secondly, in a time where the role of journalism in the public sphere is more questioned than ever, the authors evaluate to what extent news media can embody the needs of their readers. Thirdly, the authors consider the historical and political context of publication in the light of the 'Arab Spring'. This book deals with major, contemporary evolutions of news media, bringing together research that considers the media in France, Canada, and the Arab region (notably Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, and Egypt). Using numerous case studies, this book helps to define how complex the question of independence is today." (Publisher description)
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"Auf der ganzen Welt nutzen unterschiedlichste Akteure die Wirkungsmechanismen der digitalen Medien aus, um durch gezielte Desinformationskampagnen die öffentliche Meinung zu beeinflussen. Dies, so lautet die zentrale These von Peter Pomerantsev, bedrohe Demokratien und Demokratisierungsprozesse. W
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o früher Informationen durch die Zensur kontrolliert wurden, gebe es heute ein Überangebot an Informationen, deren Wahrheitsgehalt immer schwerer feststellbar ist. Dadurch ginge das Vertrauen in eine gemeinsam gelebte und objektiv überprüfbare Wirklichkeit als Voraussetzung öffentlicher Meinungs- und Willensbildung zunehmend verloren. Autokratische Regime hätten es so leichter, Narrative zu verbreiten, die das Ziel haben, politische Gegner zu schwächen, missliebige Journalistinnen und Journalisten zu diskreditieren oder zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen zu delegitimieren. Kriege wie der in der Ostukraine würden heutzutage nicht durch Schusswaffen, sondern durch Troll-Armeen, Cybermilizen und Facebook-Posts entschieden. Auf seinen Reisen taucht Pomerantsev in die grenzenlose Welt der Internetaktivistinnen und -aktivisten ein und zeigt die lokalen Folgen davon auf, wenn sie Kategorien wie Wahrheit und Lüge ins Wanken bringen." (Klappentext)
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"This original new book researches into the praxis of this democracy and its media, delving into Ghana's evolvement, media practice, leadership aspirations, pressure group politics and ethnic and tribal cleavages. Written in accessible language it will provide valuable source material for readers in
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terested in the development of a democratic culture. A rich data source for students, scholars and researchers on both the African continent and in the diaspora, it examines the growing influence of social media in political discourse and provides an insightful analysis on debates surrounding political communication and its implications for strengthening democratic culture. Its intention is to challenge the intellectual rigour of scholars, academics, researchers and students. The analytical frames it offers are to generate intellectual discourses. Provides an overview of the history of the press in Ghana and how that has shaped the current media landscape, and draws attention to the growing influence of social media in political messages and debate. The historical analysis of the political situation of Ghana and its relationship to the press is informative, comprehensive and stimulating to read. Ideas discussed are revealing and relevant to current discussions on the contributions of the media to the growth and development of democracy in Ghana in particular - and in Africa as a whole. The unusual and highly original comparative analytic approach used here is in dealing with the media-democracy paradox through comments and analysis that challenges the orthodoxy of western idealism. The discussion of media and democracy, with private and state media operating side-by-side in a multiparty democratic setting regulated by a constitution, adds significantly to the wider field of knowledge on the media and democracy." (Publisher description)
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"Fieldwork from across Afghanistan allowed Osman to record the voices of Afghan media producers and people from all sectors of society. In this moving work, Afghans offer their own seldom-heard views on the country's cultural progress and belief systems, their understandings of themselves, and the r
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ole of international interventions. Osman looks at the national and transnational impact of media companies like Tolo TV, Radio Television Afghanistan, and foreign media giants and funders like the British Broadcasting Corporation and USAID. By focusing on local cultural contestations, productions, and social movements, Television and the Afghan Culture Wars redirects the global dialogue about Afghanistan to Afghans and thereby challenges top-down narratives of humanitarian development." (Publisher description)
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"Online spaces are being systematically weaponised to exclude women leaders and to undermine the role of women in public life. Attacks on women which use hateful language, rumour and gendered stereotypes combine personal attacks with political motivations, making online spaces dangerous places for w
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omen to speak out. And left unchecked, this phenomenon of gendered disinformation, spread by state and non-state actors, poses a serious threat to women’s equal political participation. In this research, we investigated state-aligned gendered disinformation in two countries, Poland and the Philippines, through an analysis of Twitter data. We analysed tweets in Polish and, from the Philippines, in English." (Executive summary)
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"À l’heure où les fractures sociales s’aggravent dans le pays, cet ouvrage examine le lien entre la volonté politique de bâtir une nation, socle du vivre ensemble dans une société marquée par la pluralité des appartenances, et la définition du rôle social des médias – ici la premiè
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re chaîne de télévision publique. En s’appuyant sur une approche institutionnelle des moyens de communication, croisée avec une analyse socio-sémiotique, l’auteur écrit la socio-histoire de cette télévision en la situant comme un instrument d’État chargé d’étatiser la société et d’oeuvrer à l’avènement d’une nation. Puis il analyse, à travers les journaux télévisés diffusés en 2014, les référents nationaux, les modes de figuration des dirigeants de l’État, des acteurs politiques. L’auteur dresse enfin le profil des producteurs de contenus, s’interrogeant sur leurs perceptions en tant que médiateurs dans une nation en construction. Un livre qui vient à point nommé pour comprendre au Gabon cette relation stratégique et complexe entre médias et construction de la communauté nationale." (Dos de couverture)
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"Existe-t-il un chemin particulier d’ouverture d’un système médiatique à l’économie, aussi épineux soit-il ? C’est justement le fil rouge de cette monographie, qui examine, sur la base de données empiriques et théoriques, les processus de transformation du journalisme et des médias d
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e masse russes entraînés par un changement des structures économiques et sociales. L’étude analyse les approches russes et étrangères visant à comprendre la dynamique du système médiatique russe, les principaux domaines de ses changements, le rôle des facteurs de nature globale et nationale dans le développement moderne du journalisme national et des médias. L’ouvrage met en exergue de nouveaux enjeux, en analysant l’évolution du modèle des médias russes au sein de l’économie de marché après la chute de l’Union soviétique et la constitution des pratiques médiatiques de consommation en Russie contemporaine." (Dos de couverture)
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"In a growing number of countries around the world, the greatest menace to editorial independence and professional standards is media capture, a form of media control achieved through a series of premeditated steps taken by governments and powerful interest groups, which undermines journalism as a p
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ublic good. This study enables readers to understand media capture and other threats faced by independent media today. The important developments tracked in these pages call out for dialogue towards practical actions to strengthen editorial independence and professional standards of journalism." (Back cover)
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