"Der Atlas der digitalen Arbeit blickt auf viele verschiedene Branchen: Auto, Chemie und Pharma, aber auch die Pflege und die öffentliche Hand. Es geht um grundlegende Fragen: Wie weit sind smarte Computer und Roboter in diesen Bereichen auf dem Vormarsch? Welche Folgen hat das für die Beschäftig
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ten? Wie viel verdienen Menschen in digitalen Berufen? Was verändert sich in der Berufsausbildung? Macht Homeoffice glücklich? Profitieren Frauen und Männer gleichermaßen von den Vorteilen der digitalen Arbeitswelt?" (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Drawing on an original dataset of survey responses collected in the summer of 2022 across four countries - Brazil, India, the UK, and the US - they examine the relationship between trust in news and how people think about news on digital platforms, especially Facebook, Google, WhatsApp, and YouTube
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, some of the most widely used platforms around the world. What they find is somewhat nuanced; how people think about information on platforms varies considerably. It depends on the platform, it depends on the country, it depends on the audiences within those countries, and it depends on the kinds of news those audiences are encountering in these varying spaces." (Executive Summary and Key Findings, page 3)
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"Based on interviews with a strategic sample of 11 publishers in eight low- and middle-income countries, the authors of this report analyse how various digital publishers across a range of Global South countries approach digital platforms: both big platform companies such as Google and Meta; rapidly
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growing ones, including TikTok; and smaller ones such as Twitter and Telegram. It highlights key shared aspects of their approaches that can serve as inspiration for journalists and news media elsewhere, in terms of how they see platforms (what we call 'platform realism'), how they approach them in their day-to-day work (what we call 'platform bricolage'), and key aspects of their overall approach (what we call 'platform pragmatism')." (Executive summary, page 7)
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"Este informe elaborado por el Instituto de Desarrollo Digital de América Latina y el Caribe (IDD LAC) describe y analiza diversos modelos e iniciativas (tanto estatales como de la sociedad civil) sobre formas de institucionalidad para la supervisión de obligaciones de transparencia y rendición d
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e cuentas de las grandes plataformas digitales, dado su creciente rol en el flujo de información y comunicación en Internet. Como corolario, se presentan una serie de conclusiones y recomendaciones que puedan ser insumos útiles para enriquecer la búsqueda de soluciones democráticas y adecuadas al entorno digital." (Observacom)
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"This paper examines the practices, performance, and perceptions of the messaging platform Telegram as an actor in the 2020 Belarus protests, using publicly available data from Telegram’s public statements, protest-related Telegram groups, and media coverage. Developing a novel conceptualization o
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f platform actorness, we critically assess Telegram’s role in the protests and examine whether Telegram is seen as playing an active role in Belarusian contentious politics. We find that Telegram’s performance and practices drive citizens to form affective connections to the platform and to perceive Telegram as an ally in their struggle against repressions and digital censorship. Meanwhile, the Belarusian state uses Telegram’s aversion to censorship and content moderation to intervene in contentious politics by co-opting grassroots approaches and mimicking manipulative efforts of other authoritarian regimes. Our conceptual framework is applicable to post-Soviet authoritarian contexts, but can also serve as a useful heuristic for analyzing platform actorness in other regime types." (Abstract)
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"With the Digital Services Act (DSA) and the Digital Markets Act (DMA) package, the European Union will adopt what is probably the most significant international standard-setting project besides the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). It is expected that the DSA will have far-reaching impact
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beyond the EU. This legal opinion deals with concrete questions on the effectiveness of the DSA, as well as in the areas of conflict with freedom of communication and dissemination of disinformation. The opinion concerns the draft published by the European Commission in December 2020." (Executive summary, page 5)
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"In the late 2010s, the Internet overtook television as the most popular media format in Russia. It was also the time when Russian-speaking YouTube went political: well-known bloggers started producing political content, opposition politicians became the most popular YouTubers, and finally mainstrea
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m journalists migrated to the platform, a move precipitated by Covid-19 isolation when the demand for Russian-speaking content on YouTube skyrocketed. Therefore, it came as no surprise that when the war started it was YouTube that became the main battlefield for independent Russian journalists, including those who had moved out of the country. However, YouTube was also used by Russian propaganda for years with great effect. For that reason, the Russian government was hesitant to block YouTube, unlike other global platforms that Kremlin censors blocked immediately after the war started. That provided time for Russian users to adapt and install censorship circumvention tools. The other platform that was not immediately blocked was Telegram, and Russian journalists didn’t miss that opportunity to talk to their audience either." (Summary, page 4)
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"This report analyzes the evidence and justification for these various policies and examines the implications for news media in low-income and developing countries. It identifies the particular challenges that countries with small markets, weak currencies, less stability, and less press freedom face
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in pursuing the policies outlined in this report, underscoring the importance of a coordinated global approach." (Introduction, page 2)
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"Cet ouvrage s’intéresse aux relations qu’entretiennent les GAFAM (Google, Apple, Facebook, Amazon, Microsoft) et les médias en Afrique. Il aborde tout d’abord les réseaux sociaux numériques comme terrains d’amplifi cation et de transformation de diffusion de l’information et questionn
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e leur utilisation pour la diffusion de fausses informations et la remise en cause de la légitimité des médiateurs traditionnels de l’information. Il se consacre ensuite aux relations entretenues sur les plans éditorial, socioéconomique et sociotechnique par les plateformes et les médias, et y observe un certain opportunisme des médias et une domination des plateformes. Enfi n, il s’intéresse au rôle joué par l’État à travers la régulation et les nouvelles lois qui intègrent les médias numériques mais mettent aussi en lumière les diffi cultés liées à l’implémentation d’un véritable cadre régulatoire." (Dos de couverture)
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"This book has compiled the tech policy debate into a toolkit for policy makers, legal experts, and academics seeking to address platform dominance and its impact on society today. It discusses the global consensus around technology regulation with recommendations of cutting-edge policy innovations
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from around the world. It also explores the proposed policy toolkit through comprehensive coverage of existing and future policy on data, antitrust, competition, freedom of expression, jurisdiction, fake news, elections, liability, and accountability. The book identifies potential policy impacts on global communication, user rights, public welfare, and economic activity. It outlines a policy framework that address the interlocking challenges of contemporary tech regulation and offer actionable solutions for the technological future." (Publisher description)
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"Welche menschlichen Eigenschaften machen sich die Entwickler von Facebook oder Tiktok, Snapchat, Twitter oder Instagram zunutze, damit wir uns an sie binden, auf ihren Seiten verweilen, unsere Timeline pflegen, Beiträge liken, retweeten oder Kommentare posten? Welche kommerziell oder manipulativ n
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utzbaren Einblicke in unsere Vorlieben, Sehnsüchte oder Ängste gewinnen sie aus unseren Daten, oft, ohne dass uns das bewusst wäre, und wie geschieht das? Christian Montag forscht an der Schnittstelle zwischen Psychologie und Informatik. Anschaulich zeigt er, mit welchen Mitteln Social Media tief im Menschsein verankerte Bedürfnisse – nach Anerkennung, Bestätigung, Zugehörigkeit – für ihre Zwecke instrumentalisieren und warum diese Rechnung bei so vielen von uns aufgeht. Montag verurteilt die Strategien der Tech-Konzerne nicht pauschal und beleuchtet auch hilfreiche Einsatzmöglichkeiten. Es geht ihm um ein Bewusstsein für die potenziell gefährliche Macht der Internet-Plattformen, die sie mit ihrer dominanten Rolle sowohl im Alltagsleben der Einzelnen als auch in gesellschaftlich-politischer Hinsicht erlangt haben." (Verlagsinformation)
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"Täglich gibt es Berichte darüber, wie private Betreiber sozialer Medien sich problematischen Vorgaben autoritärer Herrscher beugen. Ob in Thailand, Kasachstan oder Russland, immer wieder werden als Teil von Content Moderation (CM) gezielt Inhalte entfernt oder Konten gelöscht, weil Regierungen
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sich durch Äußerungen in den sozialen Medien kritisiert fühlen. Diesen Einzelfällen liegt ein systemisches Problem von globaler Reichweite zugrunde. Die großen Betreiber sozialer Medien aus den USA bieten ihre Dienste in einer Vielzahl autoritärer Staaten an und erreichen hier Hunderte Millionen Nutzerinnen und Nutzer. Dabei laufen sie Gefahr, zu Komplizen bei der Verletzung von Menschenrechten werden. Um das Verhalten der Unternehmen hinsichtlich dieses Problems überprüfen zu können, sollte sich die deutsche Politik international dafür einsetzen, dass öffentlich einsehbare Human Rights Impact Assessments (HRIAs) verpflichtend vorgegeben werden." (Zusammenfassung)
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"This position paper reports on the findings of a research project conducted from late-2021 to early-2022 involving consultations with a range of stakeholders in the news media and digital advertising industries, regulators, and government officials, as well as extensive desk research on the state o
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f knowledge on related initiatives around the world which use competition law processes to advance the sustainability of journalism. It is intended as a resource for regulators, stakeholders in the news media sector, and other supporters of journalism sustainability in South Africa and beyond to better understand the advantages, challenges, and nuances of pursuing competition-based regulation or reform in the digital economy in South Africa." (Executive summary, page 5)
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"On April 3, 2022, Hungary’s ruling Fidesz party won a fourth term in national elections, cementing its dominance with a two-thirds majority that will allow it to continue traveling what critics of the party and many others would describe as the path of centralizing power and rolling back democrat
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ic safeguards. International observers characterized the elections as free but raised serious concerns about their fairness. These included blurring the lines between the government and the ruling party in campaigning, which amplified the advantage of the ruling coalition, the absence of a level playing field, and lack of balance in campaign coverage in the press, on television, and on billboards. Fidesz’s effective control over large sections of the media, undermining the independence of the judiciary and public institutions, and curbing of civil society has received considerable attention from international media and international observers. However, its misuse of people’s personal data, which helped the party reach voters in new, opaque ways, has received relatively little scrutiny. This report examines how data-driven campaigning in Hungary’s 2022 elections exacerbated an already uneven playing field and undermined the right to privacy. It also documents new forms of misuse of personal data collected by the government and used for political campaigning by Fidesz in the 2022 elections." (Summary)
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"Platforms have power. But this power is not unchecked. Governments have an important role to play in protecting their citizens' rights vis-à-vis third parties and ensuring a communication order in which rights are not violated. (And in addition, of course, they need to respect human rights themsel
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ves and not arbitrarily shut down sites or use their power to make the Internet less free and open). As leader of working group 2 it is my distinct privilege to present this collection which unites studies by researchers within the Global Digital Human Rights Networks on issues connected to the overarching question of how platforms deal with human rights and their human rights obligations. This study is a key deliverable of our working group in the second year of the Global Digital Human Rights Network's activities. We will follow-up with Guidelines for platforms and an Assessment Model for states and other stakeholders in 2024. We developed this study under Corona conditions but were able to meet in the Tyrolean Alps in Obergurgl, Austria, in July 2022 to finalize this study." (Preface, page 7)
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"This report examines the widespread use of encrypted messaging apps (EMAs) in developing countries and emerging democracies has prompted news outlets in these regions to experiment with them as mechanisms for distributing the news. From news products designed specifically for sharing via EMAs to pr
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ivate channels used to circumvent restrictions in repressive media environments, media outlets are testing how best to use these apps to reach audiences even in the face of technical challenges, resource demands, and sometimes, political pressure. The document concludes that a) news outlets are turning to EMAs to reach new audiences and to bypass state censorship in authoritarian contexts; b) many newsrooms are experimenting with monetizing EMA content, however, it is still too early to tell whether EMAs can provide a reliable revenue stream; c) platform dependency is a big issue when it comes to using EMAs for news-policy changes can have a big impact on how news outlets interact with their audiences." (Publisher description)
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"The role of algorithms in propelling conspiracy theories and radicalisation has been brought into sharp focus by the interlocking crises of the past 12 months. Social media platforms have sought to tamp down on algorithmic recommendation of conspiracy theories and extremist content, for example by
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preventing conspiracy-linked hashtags from trending or stopping certain groups and pages from being recommended to other users." (Introduction)
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