"With particularly low internet penetration rates, intense state censorship and heavy Chinese investment, Pakistan presents elements of an authoritarian internet culture where surveillance is a barely-questioned norm, unless probed by civil society organizations or journalists. Social media giants s
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uch as Facebook and Twitter have come into minor clashes with the Pakistani government where enforcing content blockage/regulation is concerned. For example, the government in 2018 expanded the remit of the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority (PTA) to allow the regulator to block various types of content.[1] Journalists have begun to self-censor out of threats to their lives. Nearly 88% of Pakistan’s journalists said that they selfcensored, according to a 2018 survey carried out by Media Matters for Democracy, a local NGO. China, with its China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and One Belt One Road initiative, is exporting its regulatory model of surveillance to Pakistan, thus worsening the situation. A handful of digital human rights civil society organizations have sprung up over the past few years such as Media Matters for Democracy, Digital Rights Foundation and Bytes4All, all with the aim of fighting back against invasion of privacy, freedom of speech, and safety of journalists, and raising awareness about the issue of internet and human rights in Pakistan." (Page 4)
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"Today, a typical journalist in Africa is a professional workshop attendee. Non-governmental organisations from every sector “train” journalists in their subject matter, often with content conceived in Western capitals by people with no experience in journalism or in the target countries. Journa
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lists go from workshop to workshop, turning up long enough to collect their per diems and write a puff piece. This approach is as costly as it is regrettable. In one African country, a media-development organisation with which I have worked spent more than $1-million of taxpayer money to produce a one-hour program on governance, which was then aired on community radio, its content so sanitised to appease local officials that few people tuned in. But even more problematic was the distortion to the domestic media market. To produce the program, the NGO recruited ten top journalists from established outlets and paid them as much as ten times their normal salary. Once the project was over, most of the journalists quit their old jobs in search of better pay in the aid and government sectors. From my experience, most African journalists know how to report a well-sourced story. What they lack are the resources to put this knowledge to use. The deficiencies of African media are best addressed as a business challenge, not a training problem." (Author)
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"From Christian missionary publications to the media strategies employed by today’s NGOs, this interdisciplinary collection explores the entangled histories of humanitarianism and media. It traces the emergence of humanitarian imagery in the West and investigates how the meanings of suffering and
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aid have been constructed in a period of evolving mass communication, demonstrating the extent to which many seemingly new phenomena in fact have long historical legacies. Ultimately, the critical histories collected here help to challenge existing asymmetries and help those who advocate a new cosmopolitan consciousness recognizing the dignity and rights of others." (Publisher description)
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"The 3+5 framework consists of three core RBM principles plus five supporting principles. Each principle has an associated set of standards that capture the essential elements of RBM for generating and using results information. The primary focus of the 3+5 framework is to enhance the availability o
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f results information and to manage adaptively through continuous learning. The 3+5 framework helps UNFPA and its partners to assess their status in terms of results-based management and to identify areas for improvement. The RBM standards are assessed on a four-point scale that is intended to provide a rating of the extent to which the RBM standard has been met." (Page 2)
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"Längst hat der digitale Wandel auch die Entwicklungszusammenarbeit und die Humanitäre Hilfe verändert. Das Internet bietet die Chance, die Lebensbedingungen vieler Menschen durch Zugang zu Wissen und zu neuen Möglichkeiten der politischen und ökonomischen Teilhabe zu verbessern. Auch Nichtregi
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erungsorganisationen (NRO) nutzen diese Chance bereits jetzt. Bildungs-, Ernährungs- oder Gesundheitsprojekte und viele andere Vorhaben profitieren vom Einsatz digitaler Technologien. Wie das geschieht, wollen wir mit dieser Publikation an Beispielen aus der Praxis zeigen. Nachahmung und Weiterentwicklung der hier vorgestellten Ansätze und Instrumente sind explizit erwünscht. Im Digitalisierungsdiskurs geht es aber um mehr als die rein technische Innovation. Unsere Aufgabe als Nichtregierungsorganisationen ist es deshalb auch, uns den zentralen politischen Herausforderungen einer gerechten Digitalisierung zu stellen. Denn wer bereits jetzt ökonomisch und politisch gut dasteht, hat die größten Chancen, die Digitalisierung für sich nutzen zu können. Die sogenannte digitale Kluft betrifft sehr häufig Frauen und ländliche Bevölkerungen, die einen deutlich schlechteren Zugang zu digitalen Dienstleistungen haben. Auch Gruppen, die aus ethnischen oder anderen Gründen benachteiligt werden, sind oft aufgrund fehlender oder schlechter Infrastruktur vom Zugang ausgeschlossen. Darüber hinaus begegnen uns in der Digitalwirtschaft Phänomene, die uns auch in anderen Bereichen zu schaffen machen: Monopolstellungen multinationaler Großkonzerne, ungenügende rechtliche Rahmensetzungen für Unternehmen und das Streben nach maximalen Gewinnen auf Kosten von Mensch und Umwelt. Hinzukommen Orwellsche Alpträume totaler Kontrolle und Überwachung. Neue Technologien können einen wichtigen Beitrag zu Erreichung entwicklungspolitischer Ziele leisten. Sie können Entwicklung aber auch behindern oder gar negative Folgen für die Menschen vor Ort haben. Genau deswegen ist die Auseinandersetzung mit dem digitalen Wandel und dessen Steuerung eine zunehmend bedeutende entwcklungspolitische Aufgabe für Nichtregierungsorganisationen." (Vorwort)
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This Code of Ethics serves to inform beneficiaries, donors and the public of the internal guidelines, whereby IMS maintains the highest standards of integrity, governance, financial management, partnerships and implementation of our mission. This Code of Ethics consists of three parts: A brief intro
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duction to IMS; Guiding Principles (principles must be adhered to, when in a business relationship with IMS); Code of Conduct (outlines mandatory courses of action for specific situations). The principles and the standards of conduct set out in this Code of Ethics must be adhered to by: (List is non-exhaustive) IMS staff, Members of the board of IMS, Entities and/or individuals partnering with IMS, Consultants hired by IMS. Failure to comply may lead IMS to terminate the relevant business relationship. The IMS Code of Ethics takes inspiration from the Code of Ethics adopted by the World Association of Non-Governmental Organizations on 5 March 2005.
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"Social media in China has not only become a popular means of communication, but also expanded the interaction between the government and online citizens. Why have some charitable crowdfunding campaigns had agenda-setting influence on public policy, while others have had limited or no impact? Based
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on an original database of 188 charitable crowdfunding projects currently active on Sina Weibo, we observe that over 80 per cent of long-term campaigns do not have explicit policy aspirations. Among those pursuing policy objectives, however, nearly two-thirds have had either agenda-setting influence or contributed to policy change. Such campaigns complement, rather than challenge existing government priorities. Based on field interviews (listed in Appendix A), case studies of four micro-charities – Free Lunch for Children, Love Save Pneumoconiosis, Support Relief of Rare Diseases, and Water Safety Program of China – are presented to highlight factors that contributed to their variation in public outcomes at the national level. The study suggests that charitable crowdfunding may be viewed as an “input institution” in the context of responsive authoritarianism in China, albeit within closely monitored parameters." (Abstract)
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"La violencia contra los periodistas no es un hecho aislado. Esta es una práctica presente en países de todo el mundo y que se caracteriza por la impunidad que rodea a las muertes de comunicadores de diversos medios de comunicación. Esta situación no solo deja impune el crimen, también impide y
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trunca la relación de la información con la comunidad. Cuando estos actos se llevan a cabo, se vulnera la persistencia de la libertad de expresión, el funcionamiento y el propósito de los medios de comunicación, la confianza en la investigación periodística y las fronteras del miedo. Consciente de la gravedad de la situación, Marisol Cano investiga en este libro diez organizaciones internacionales de defensa de la libertad de expresión [Article 19, CPI, Fedración Internacional de Periodistas FIP, Freedom House, International Media Support, International News Safety Institute INSI, Reporteros sin fronteras, Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa, UNESCO, WAN-IFRA] mediante una metodología cualitativa que hace uso de técnicas de investigación como el análisis documental, el análisis de contenido y la entrevista estructurada. De esta forma, logra construir un marco global analítico de la lucha frente a la violencia contra los periodistas en la primera década del siglo XXI que le permite conocer el discurso sobre la libertad de expresión, sus formas de evaluación, las decisiones de las organizaciones para intervenir en determinados contextos, los procesos de protección de los periodistas y el perfil de las organizaciones encargadas de su bienestar. En un mundo tan conectado, el periodismo ya no es un asunto que pueda limitarse a las fronteras nacionales o a contextos locales, su accionar atañe a la comunidad internacional y las repercusiones que se derivan de su silenciamiento es un asunto que demanda el compromiso y la responsabilidad de toda la humanidad." (Resumen)
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"Nichtregierungsorganisationen (NGO) haben in den letzten 20 Jahren stark an Bedeutung zugenommen. Die fortschreitende Globalisierung hat sie zu eigenständigen politischen Akteuren gemacht, deren Rolle von der Kontrolle bis zur aktiven politischen
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Mitgestaltung reicht. Und etablierte Institutionen wie Unternehmen, Staat und Kirche stecken in der Vertrauenskrise. Zudem stellen NGO einen besonderen Typ von Organisationen dar. Viele von ihnen sind Kommunikationsexperten. Doch Kommunikation ist bei ihnen mehr als nur eine Kompetenz unter vielen – sie ist die Kernkompetenz der Nichtregierungsorganisationen. An ihrer Kommunikationsfähigkeit bemisst sich ihr Erfolg. Dieses Buch sammelt und systematisiert das aktuelle Wissen zur Kommunikation von NGO auf interdisziplinärer und internationaler Basis." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Throughout the 2000’s, NGOs experimented with promoting “Donate Now” buttons and online donation pages, and through a process of trial and error, learned a winning strategy that still works today. Specifically, NGOs that are successful at online fundraising have embraced a content strategy of
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regularly publishing news articles and blog posts focused on stories of hope and empathy that include a prominent call-togive which are then shared in email updates and fundraising appeals. Posting the same content on social media also inspires online giving, but as of 2018, email is still the most powerful online fundraising tool." (Key findings)
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"Dieser Beitrag widmet sich dem medienvermittelten Vertrauen in NGOs. Ein auf Basis der Theorie des öffentlichen Vertrauens (Bentele 1994) entwickeltes, inhaltsanalytisches Messinstrument, der NGO-Trust Index (
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NGO-TI) und die Ergebnis-Visualisierung in der NGO-Trust Map (Wohlgemuth et al. 2013), werden vorgestellt, getestet und diskutiert. Der Methodentest erfolgt anhand einer vergleichenden Fallstudie zur deutschen Sektion des Kinderhilfswerks der Vereinten Nationen (Unicef Deutschland) und der deutschen Umweltstiftung des World Wide Fund for Nature." (Zusammenfassung)
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"Non Governmental Organizations (NGO) üben Funktionen der gesellschaftlichen Kontrolle und der Anwaltschaft für Benachteiligte aus; sie agieren zum Teil selbst offensiv oder konfrontativ in der Öffentlichkeit. Mit ihrer zunehmenden öffentlichen
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Präsenz steigen allerdings auch der Bedarf an Legitimation und der Widerstand von Kontrahenten aus Wirtschaft und Politik. Vor diesem Hintergrund geraten auch NGO zunehmend in den Blickwinkel öffentlicher Kritik. Ihr eigener ethisch-normativer Anspruch, der ihnen im Alltag einen Aufmerksamkeitsvorteil verschafft, macht sie im Krisenfall besonders angreifbar. Hinzu kommen Hemmnisse der institutionellen Logik, weil NGO typischerweise als gemeinnützige Vereine mit aufwändigen Willensbildungsprozessen verfasst sind. Diese Voraussetzungen sollte das Management einer Organisation berücksichtigen, wenn es sich auf Krisenmanagement und -kommunikation vorbereitet." (Zusammenfassung)
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"Zunächst werden theoretische Konzepte und Modelle sowie die empirische Forschung zum Einsatz von Evaluation und Controlling für die NGO-Kommunikation gesichtet. Dabei werden auch Konzepte für die Evaluation von Organisationen sowie für die Kom
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munikation von Nonprofit-Organisationen (NPO) als allgemeineren Formen der Evaluation herangezogen. Anschließend werden das Wirkungsstufen-Modell der Deutschen Public Relations Gesellschaft (DPRG) und des Internationalen Controller Vereins (ICV), das Logic Model für die Evaluation von Nonprofit-Organisationen sowie das Meinungsklima-/Koorientierungsmodell (MKM) für die Messung, Bewertung und Steuerung der Kommunikation von Organisationen miteinander verknüpft und zu einem generischen Modell für die NGO-Kommunikation weiterentwickelt." (Zusammenfassung)
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"There are lots of handbooks for journalists on climate change, so why do we need another one? Getting the Message Across, Reporting on Climate Change and Sustainable Development in Asia and the Pacific: A Handbook for Journalists has been customized for journalists to tell the climate change story
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specific to the region. It explores the essential aspects of climate change, including its injustices to vulnerable communities, especially women and girls and least developed countries, and provides examples of best practices and stories of hope unique to the region. It can be used as a resource for journalists to understand the science of climate change, as well as helping journalists to improve their reporting of the environmental, social, economic¸ political, technological and other angles of the story [...] The Handbook has been produced under the umbrella of a project supported by Malaysia. Its sister publication, Climate Change in Africa: A Guidebook for Journalists is also available as part of this series. With this book tailored for the Asia and Pacific, UNESCO urges journalists in the region to empower themselves so as to enhance the ability for citizens and their governments to find better local solutions in the face of the global problem of climate change." (Publisher description)
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"This rapid review synthesises data from academic, policy and NGO sources on the role media can play in creating/easing tensions between refugees and the host community, and within the host community itself. Acknowledging the importance media can p
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lay in perceptions, and considering the confessional and political nature of the media, the review also maps the media/social media in Lebanon and highlights some successes in utilising media to ease tensions. Key findings are as follows: Due to the Lebanese media being party-controlled or linked it has a political message and focuses on one confessional group, therefore it is often negative towards refugees and Lebanese citizens from other confessions, thus creating tensions. In a survey carried out in 2016 by UNHCR 29% of the Lebanese respondents highlighted that media has a strong impact on the perception of refugees. More than two thirds of the respondents acknowledged that discussions in the media trigger reactions against refugees, and that the Lebanese media reports negative stories about refugees (Alsharabati, 2017: 15-16). In a discourse analysis of Lebanese media conducted in February 2015, topics that can be perceived as viewing refugees in a negative light formed the majority of the reporting and also often had a negative tone. However, humanitarian stories about refugees were also reported, often in a positive tone (Sakada et al., 2015). In 2013 a UNDP-led pact, entitled "Journalists' Pact for Strengthening Civil Peace in Lebanon", was signed by 34 media institutions. The idea behind the pact was to create more ethics in Lebanese journalism, enhance neutrality, depoliticise reporting, increase accuracy, and create responsibility for reporting." (Overview, page 2)
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"In this paper we assess the electoral consequences of candidate selection into the supply of widely-disseminated programmatic information in the setting of Liberia, where clientelism is pervasive and the media sector is weak. We partnered with USAID and the
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NGO Internews to study the impact of randomized elements of a nationwide initiative to hold debates for all 73 House of Representatives seats ahead of the Liberian election of October 2017. Beyond lawmaking, House members in Liberia control access to development funds as well as play key roles in the allocation and implementation of public goods, and thus voters have incentives to care about the policy priorities of the candidates and vote accordingly. However, historically, votes have been bought as often as won (Bowles et al., 2017). In an effort to improve democratic accountability, Internews organized 129 standardized debates, with at least one in each electoral district, to solicit the policy promises of the participating candidates. In the debates, the 59% of candidates who participated were asked a series of questions by moderating journalists on particular issues of local policy relevance, most often relating to district schools, primary healthcare facilities, and infrastructural investments. Rather than large townhall-style debates, the emphasis was on soliciting concrete policy platforms and promises from the candidates that would then be rebroadcast by community radio stations. To shock the supply of policy promises, we randomly varied the intensity of invitation efforts to persuade candidates to participate in the debates. The decision to participate is risky, particularly in clientelistic settings where the returns to programmatic competition can be both limited and highly uncertain. Candidates who ‘win’ a debate may enjoy greater publicity and net electoral gains, but ex ante they risk performing poorly, revealing their policy priorities to be disconnected from their constituents and restricting their ability to target campaign promises to small groups of influential voters. These risks are especially pronounced for the leading candidates (incumbents and their challengers), who enjoy greater resources for campaigning, are adapted to the existing clientelistic equilibrium, and are more likely to be attacked by opponents to gain publicity." (Pages 2-3)
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"In NGOs as Newsmakers, Matthew Powers analyzes the growing role NGOs play in shaping—and sometimes directly producing—international news. Drawing on interviews, observations, and content analysis, he charts the dramatic growth in NGO news-maki
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ng efforts, examines whether these efforts increase the organizations' chances of garnering news coverage, and analyzes the effects of digital technologies on publicity strategies. Although the contemporary media environment offers NGOs greater opportunities to shape the news, Powers finds, it also subjects them to news-media norms. While advocacy groups can and do provide coverage of otherwise ignored places and topics, they are still dependent on traditional media and political elites and influenced by the expectations of donors, officials, journalists, and NGOs themselves. Through an unprecedented glimpse into NGOs’ newsmaking efforts, Powers portrays the possibilities and limits of NGOs as newsmakers amid the transformations of international news, with important implications for the intersections of journalism and advocacy." (Publisher description)
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"As news organizations cut correspondent posts and foreign bureaux, non-governmental organizations have begun to expand into news reporting. But why and how do journalists use the photographs, video, and audio that NGOs produce? What are the effects of this on the kinds of stories told about Africa?
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And how have these developments changed the nature of journalism and NGO-work? 'Who’s Reporting Africa Now?' is the first book to address these questions—using frank interviews and internal documents to shed light on the workings of major news organizations and NGOs, collaborating with one another in specific news production processes. These contrasting case studies are used to illuminate the complex moral and political economies underpinning such journalism, involving not only NGO press officers and journalists but also field workers, freelancers, private foundations, social media participants, businesspeople, and advertising executives." (Back cover)
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"It is often argued that non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have become increasingly visible in media discourses on armed conflict and thus play a growing role in shaping states’ foreign policies. However, there is little investigation of their influence on specific conflict coverage and what t
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ypes of NGOs are influential, in what way and under what conditions. The authors elaborate a ‘supply and demand’ model of growing or declining NGO influence to theorize these dynamics and take Syria’s civil war from 2011–2014 as a ‘best case’ for testing it. They conducted an interpretative analysis of NGO output and media coverage to investigate the relative visibility of NGOs in the media over time. Further, they examine how different NGOs were referred to during two highly salient phases of the conflict for debates about foreign policy: the first escalation of protests and their repression in 2011 and the use of chemical weapons in 2013. They find evidence of rising NGO visibility and growing reliance on new types of semi-local NGOs for the provision of factual news about the conflict and human rights violations. Yet, large international NGOs such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch remained the most influential in pushing normative frames and advocating a tough stance on the Assad regime. The article discusses the implications of the findings for the theoretical argument and for broader accounts of NGOs influence." (Abstract)
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