"These are the background case notes complied for MEMO 2018.1: Challenging Truth and Trust: A Global Inventory of Organized Social Media Manipulation. For details on the methods behind this content analysis please see the methodology section of the report. This document contains data from over 500 s
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ources organized by country. The sources include high quality news articles, academic papers, white papers, and a range of other grey literature. As an annotated bibliography, the country cases here make use of significant passages from these secondary sources, and every effort has been made to preserve full citation details for future researchers. The full list of references can be found in our public Zotero folder, with each reference tagged with a country name." (Page 3)
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"In sum, the representation of the several discussed topics – regional unions, regional cooperation organizations such as the EAEU, CIS, CSTO; Kyrgyz-Uzbek relations, Kyrgyz-Kazakh border conflict, Kyrgyz-Tajik relations and border issues, Central Asian integration, Central Asia and Caucasus, Cent
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ral Asia and Ukraine, Central Asia and Moldova, Russia as regional power etc. – provides a rich example of how differently the 15 websites frame the partnership between Central Asia, Caucasus, Ukraine and Moldova. Topics about Kyrgyzstan’s relationships with neighboring Central Asian countries are prevalent in most state-owned media." (Conclusion, page 35)
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"This memo presents evidence based on a survey experiment embedded in a national survey of Ukrainians and a laboratory experiment conducted with Ukrainian university students. The findings indicate that anti-Corruption messaging that emphasizes the success of anti-Corruption campaigns (i.e., a “po
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sitive” message) may reduce citizens’ willingness to give bribes. By contrast, anti-Corruption messaging emphasizing that corruption is a growing problem (i.e., a “negative” message) appears to be less effective and, in some circumstances, may even inadvertently increase citizens’ willingness to engage in corrupt acts." (Page 1)
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"This collection covers the major trends of the media environment of the post-Communist world and their recent development, with special focus on Russia and the post-Soviet space. The term ‘media environment’ covers not just traditional print and electronic media, but new media as well, and rang
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es from the political to entertainment and various artistic spheres. What role do market forces play in the process of media democratization, and how do state structures regulate, suppress, or use capitalism toward their own gain? What degree of informational pluralism has been achieved in the newly independent republics? What are the prospects for transparency and the participation of civil society in Russian and Eurasian media? To what degree do trends in post-Communist media reflect global trends? Is there a worldwide convergence with regard to both media formats and political messaging? Western observers usually pay their keenest attention to the role of media in Russia and Eurasia during national elections. While this is a valid focus, the present volume [...] aims at understanding the deeper overall ‘media philosophies’ that characterize post-Soviet media systems and environments, and the type of identity formation that they are promoting." (Publisher description)
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"This article explores the dynamics of digital (dis)information in the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. International Relations scholars have presented the online debate in terms of ‘information warfare’—that is, a number of strategic campaigns to win over local and global public opinion,
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largely orchestrated by the Kremlin and pro-western authorities. However, this way of describing the online debate reduces civil society to a mere target for manipulation. This article presents a different understanding of the debate. By examining the social media engagement generated by one of the conflict's most important events—the downing of the Malaysian Airlines Flight 17 (MH17) over Ukraine—we explore how competing claims about the cause of the plane crash are disseminated by the state, media and civil society. By analysing approximately 950,000 tweets, the article demonstrates how individual citizens are more than purveyors of government messages; they are the most active drivers of both disinformation and attempts to counter such information. These citizen curators actively shape competing narratives about why MH17 crashed and citizens, as a group, are four times more likely to be retweeted than any other type of user. Our findings challenge conceptualizations of a state-orchestrated information war over Ukraine, and point to the importance of citizen activity in the struggle over truths during international conflicts." (Abstract)
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"While Ukrainians consume a high volume of news content, barely one in four Ukrainians trust the media and only 23% cross-check news sources—the most basic form of media literacy [...] In this context, IREX designed and implemented Learn to Discern (L2D), a “demand-side” response to the proble
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m of manipulative information, an essential companion to “supply-side” solutions such as supporting independent, ethical, and truthful journalism. Citizens must be able to separate fact from fiction, recognize manipulation and hate speech, and demand and seek out independent, fact-based journalism. From October 2015 through March 2016, IREX implemented L2D with funding from the Canadian government and in partnerships with local organizations Academy of Ukrainian Press and StopFake. Through intensive skill-building seminars, L2D reached more than 15,000 people of all ages and professional backgrounds [...] The results of the impact evaluation showed that L2D participants had statistically significant higher levels of disinformation news analysis skills, greater knowledge of the news media environment, a stronger sense of agency over the media sources they consume, and were more likely to consult a wider range of news sources. Compared to the control group, L2D participants were: 28% more likely to demonstrate sophisticated knowledge of the news media industry; 25% more likely to self-report checking multiple news sources; 13% more likely to correctly identify and critically analyze a fake news story." (Executive summary, page 3-4)
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"This book surveys current developments in social media and politics in a range of Central and Eastern European countries, including Ukraine and Russia. It explores the process of adoption of social media by politicians, journalists and civic activists, examines the impact of the different social an
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d cultural backgrounds of the countries studied, and discusses specific political situations, such as the 2012 protests in Moscow and the 2014 EuroMaidan events in Ukraine, where social media played an important role. The book concludes by addressing how the relationship between social media and politics is likely to develop and how it might affect the still relatively new democracies in the region." (Publisher description)
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"As before, the popularity of TV among older viewers (46+) greatly contributes to its leading position in the media consumption totals. As usual, residents in the western regions comprise the largest TV audience among all regions of Ukraine. 1+1 and Inter remain the most popular TV channels in the c
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ountry. Digital (internet) media remains the most popular news source among younger audiences, with internet users aged 18-45 years preferring news sites, and youth (up to 35 years old) – social networks. As before, most consumers prefer news aggregators (like ukr.net) over other digital media outlets. The social media consumption patterns keep changing – the Facebook audience is gradually growing, while the Russian social networks have lost their leading positions. The levels of trust in both national and regional media have increased in all media categories. This trend was observed in all regions of Ukraine. Public trust in Russian media remains low - in fact, levels of trust in Russian TV, radio and press continue to decrease year in and year out since 2014." (Key findings, page 5)
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"Macedonia and Montenegro saw the largest overall score increases this year, in comparison to 2017. The improvement across all objectives this year for Macedonia’s media sector can be attributed to political changes that prioritize media in democratic reforms. Although Montenegro’s score improve
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ment shows promising progress and puts it in the Near Sustainability category, weaknesses in the country’s media sector include low revenue generation, declining professional development opportunities, political biases, and low adherence to professional standards. Kyrgyzstan and Serbia saw the largest overall decreases in their scores. While Kyrgyzstan’s MSI score for the business management objective increased slightly, all other objective scores experienced a decline, moving Kyrgyzstan from Near Sustainability in 2017 to Unsustainable Mixed System in 2018. Serbia’s scores in all MSI objectives are indicative of a downward trend in the country’s media space. Among the factors feeding this spiral are: media content is more polarized now than at any time in almost 20 years; an increase in fake news; editorial pressure on media; and a poor overall economic operating environment." (Executive summary)
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"Governments around the world have dramatically increased their efforts to manipulate information on social media over the past year. The Chinese and Russian regimes pioneered the use of surreptitious methods to distort online discussions and suppress dissent more than a decade ago, but the practice
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has since gone global. Such state-led interventions present a major threat to the notion of the internet as a liberating technology. Online content manipulation contributed to a seventh consecutive year of overall decline in internet freedom, along with a rise in disruptions to mobile internet service and increases in physical and technical attacks on human rights defenders and independent media. Nearly half of the 65 countries assessed in Freedom on the Net 2017 experienced declines during the coverage period, while just 13 made gains, most of them minor. Less than one-quarter of users reside in countries where the internet is designated Free, meaning there are no major obstacles to access, onerous restrictions on content, or serious violations of user rights in the form of unchecked surveillance or unjust repercussions for legitimate speech." (Page 1)
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"This study examines the existence of criminal defamation and insult laws in the territory of the 57 participating States of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). In doing so, it offers a broad, comparative overview of the compliance of OSCE participating States’ legislat
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ion with international standards and best practices in the field of defamation law and freedom of expression. The primary purpose of the study is to identify relevant provisions in law. Although the study does include examples of the usage of these provisions, it is not an analysis of legal practice [...] The study is divided into two sections. The first section offers conclusions according to each of the principal categories researched and in reference to international standards on freedom of expression. The second section provides the detailed research findings for each country, including relevant examples. As the study’s title suggests, the primary research category is general criminal laws on defamation and insult. However, this study also covers special laws protecting the reputation or honour of particular persons or groups of people (e.g., presidents, public officials, deceased persons); special laws protecting the ‘honour’ of the state and state symbols; and blasphemy and religious insult laws." (About this study, page 2)
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"This paper focuses on developmental assistance for new media in years 2007–2017 provided by Poland as donor in its priority partner country – Ukraine. The support given to Ukrainian journalists and media outlets fits Polish democracy assistance strategy within Official Development Assistance (O
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DA). In principle, media assistance aims to improve freedom of speech and freedom of press, and in longer perspective to contribute to the consolidation of democracy. Poland is involved in supporting pro-democratic changes in Ukraine, including media assistance, on the basis of development cooperation act (2013), multiannual development cooperation programmes (2012–2015, 2016–2020) and annual plans (2007–2017). In years 2008–2013 the support for Ukrainian media was maintained and intensified in 2014–2016 in connection with the implementation of ‘Poland-Canada Democracy Support Program’ dedicated to media assistance and local governance assistance. After the expiration of this program, no more funds were allocated by MFA in 2016–2017 to NGOs activities aimed at promoting the development of independent media. A first bilateral Polish-Ukrainian project concerning new media assistance and financed by Polish Aid was financed in 2012. Since then, NGOs started to include digital literacy and new technologies in projects’ proposals. The trainings of journalists in e.g. new online tools or direct support for establishing digital media outlets were continued until 2016. Six out of eleven media assistance projects implemented within ‘Poland-Canada Democracy Support Program’ responded to the need of strengthening online media and improving journalists’ skills. Poland seemed also to target its media assistance regarding the needs of Ukraine as recipient of aid. Such tendency was visible on the example of shifts of beneficiaries in 2014–2015. While before the outbreak of armed conflict between Ukraine and Russia Polish support had rather nationwide character, in 2014–2015 many projects concentrated on delivering aid to journalists and media from Eastern Ukraine. The vast majority of project was addressed to professional journalists gaining experiences in working online, while there was no significant interest in empowering Ukrainian bloggers or citizen journalists." (Summary, page 190-191)
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"The main points regarding the freedom of expression decrease in Ukraine include: the restriction of access to information channels (Russian books, TV channels, films, social networks, mail servers, etc.); persecution, in particular the detention and imprisonment of citizens expressing separatist vi
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ews in social networks; a mass prohibition on Russian journalists entering Ukraine, and those who were on temporarily uncontrolled territory (Crimea and Donbas). This is especially true for those who arrived in the area from the Russian Federation. In addition to this, so-called “patriotic” or loyalty-journalism became active as some journalists believe that in terms of war it is more important to participate in the information war against the enemy than just to be non-biased. Here also belong the calls not to criticize the authorities during war period, and the prolonged understatement of crimes committed by individual fighters of volunteer battalions. This led to a rapid fall of trust to Ukrainian media. According to the Institute of Sociology, the National Academy of Science of Ukraine, in 2016, only 21% of Ukrainian citizens trusted domestic media, while 51% did not. However, Ukrainian journalists should clearly understand their social role. In general, Niclas Louman is right, saying that we know about the world is taken from media. But if the media give a biased image, the audience will stop trusting. This is so, if a person is looking behind the window, and observes a different situation from that one previously watched or read. The audience is not helpless. It is possible to cheat on people once or twice but after all they will not believe this source of information anymore. This is a real tragedy for media as they lose the sense of existing. Thus, the goal of media as the information source is not just to report all recent news to the target audience, but also to ensure that the virtual picture of the world corresponds to the real one." (Editor's note, page 6)
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"This article investigates the use of social media for visual framing of the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. Using a large set of visual data from a popular social networking site, Vkontakte, the authors employ content analysis to examine how the conflict was represented and interpreted in pro-Ukrainia
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n and pro-Russian online communities during the peak of violence in summer 2014. The findings point to the existence of profound differences in framing the conflict among pro-Ukrainian and pro-Russian online communities. The former tended to interpret the conflict as a limited military action against local insurgents, whereas the latter presented it as an all-out war against the Russian population of Eastern Ukraine. The article suggests that framing the conflict through social media facilitated the propagation of mutually exclusive views on the conflict and led to the formation of divergent expectations in Ukraine and Russia concerning the outcome of the war in Donbas." (Abstract)
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"In the period after the fall of communism, peculiar new obstacles to media independence have arisen. They include the telltale structure of media ownership, with news reporting being concentrated in the hands of politically engaged business tycoons, the fuzzy and contradictory legislation of the me
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dia realm, and the informal institutions of political interference in mass media. The book analyzes interrelationships between politics, the economy, and media in Ukraine, especially their shadowy sides guided by private interests and informal institutions. Being embedded in comparative politics and post-Communist media studies, it helps to understand the nature and workings of the Ukrainian media system situated in-between democracy and authoritarianism." (Publisher description)
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"In diesem Sammelband werden konkrete Probleme der Medienethik in der Republik Moldau, der Ukraine und Russland erörtert. Allerdings können diese Beiträge keine erschöpfenden Antworten geben, sondern sollen vielmehr den Blick für Aspekte und Fragen der Medienethik in den drei Ländern schärfen
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und dem Leser Beispiele an die Hand zu geben, um diese Problematik genauer zu analysieren und eigenverantwortlich Lösungen zu finden." (Seite 8)
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"Although television is still the number one media for Ukrainians, it continues to lose its audience share. The positions taken by other traditional media (e.g. radio, print) remain stable. The growth in the size of the online population has stagnated and the number of internet users and those getti
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ng news from social networks has decreased, which could have been caused by restrictions to access to popular social networks and websites in Ukraine (e.g. VKontakte, Odnoklassniki). The share of passive media audience is increasing - over a one month period, a higher number of people did not use media to obtain news. This is especially true when it comes to younger audiences." (Key findings, page 5)
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"While a few much-needed improvements can be reported for the 2017 Europe & Eurasia Media Sustainability Index (MSI), overall there are signs of continued and worsening challenges facing those who wish to create and support a vibrant information system in the 21 countries studied in this volume [...
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] Apart from Belarus, there is not much in the way of positive news in this year’s MSI. Taken together, only nine objective scores, scattered among six countries, showed any meaningful improvement: Romania, Serbia, and Ukraine experienced improvement in two objective scores while Bulgaria, Kosovo, and Uzbekistan each had one objective show improvement. Belarus was the only country whose overall score improved by a tenth of a point or more. Five other countries showed only marginal overall improvement." (Executive summary)
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"The integration of traditionally isolated Central/ Eastern Europe into larger, worldwide trends has fundamentally changed the way we look at the media in this region. This volume proposes to address the transition of the media and communication industries in the contemporary period. The contributio
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ns discuss, among other things, the obstacles that still remain for the media to play an effective watchdog role in the new democracies, and whether the advent of the Internet and social media has helped or hindered the transformation to a powerful, independent media. The discussion further examines whether advertising agencies have targeted postcommunist citizens differently than those in Western European countries and if the media markets in the post- communist region are fundamentally different than in Western Europe and North America. A second focus of the volume is the media coverage of social issues like domestic violence, which is intended to draw attention to these issues and influence policy in a more aware and open society. This establishes the trend of post- communist media following the example of western media practice." (Publisher description)
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