"Results of the 2015 MSI study for Europe & Eurasia (E&E) at first glance show encouraging results: the average of 21 overall country scores increased by 0.04 compared with last year, representing the highest average of overall scores so far this decade. Out of 21 countries studied, seven increased
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by more than one-tenth of a point. Eleven country scores remained about the same and only three decreased by more than a tenth. Indeed there are some encouraging developments, described in more detail below. However, in other cases what appear to be improvements in scores are likely to be only short-term blips on an otherwise downward or flat trend. Belarus (+0.16), Azerbaijan (+0.15), and Kazakhstan (+0.16) all showed small increases in overall score, but in all of these cases several factors indicate that this is not part of a new trend.." (Executive summary)
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"This report gives forecasts for online video spend and consumption, where available, for 40 markets in which online video is at varying stages of development. From markets such as Singapore, where 85% of the population claims to access online video (according to GlobalWebIndex, 2014), to countries
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where online video is still in its early stages of growth, what we see is that online video consumption has risen sharply over the past few years and has begun to attract budget-switching from TV advertising. TV remains, of course, the world’s most popular advertising channel, and will be so for some years yet. Nevertheless, networks and studios are having to adapt to the new importance of digital." (Introduction, page 1)
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"TV remains the main news source for the majority of population – 85% of respondents say they have watched TV news during last 30 days. For the last year TV audience has slightly decreased (-8%), and, though in general other sources of information are much less popular, for people under age of 35
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webresources (especially social nets) are already comparable with TV by the share of users. Share of press readers (31%) is practically immutable (-2%), however the perspective of this media is rather negative: the younger the audience is, the less relevant this source is. A tendency of shrinkage of the printed media audience is observed in many regions. There is relatively more current press readers in Dnepropetrovsk and L’vov regions, but least of them – in Lugansk, Poltava, Sumy, Nikolayev regions. Growth of internet penetration slightly slows down (actual share of users – 71%, +3% since last year), apparently because more than 90% of the most active part of population, up to 35 y.o., already use it." (Key results, 1)
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"This report surveys the changing patterns of media consumption in 65 countries across the world, and forecasts how the amount of time people allocate to different media will change between 2014 and 2017. It measures the amount of time spent reading newspapers and magazines, watching television, lis
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tening to the radio, visiting the cinema, using the internet, and viewing outdoor advertising while out of the home. Note that the extent of information available varies considerably from market to market. For some countries we have a full breakdown of consumption figures across all media, with separate figures for desktop and mobile internet, with historical figures back to 2010 and forecasts to 2014, plus monthly breakdowns for consumption across the year, and hourly breakdowns for consumption across the day. For a few countries there is very little research on media consumption trends, so we are able to present only a limited set of figures. We expect the scope of the report to expand in future editions, both by adding new countries and by providing more details for countries where information is currently sparse." (Introduction)
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"This short booklet aims to provide some pointers and practical advice on how to stay safe while getting closer to the heart of what is going on. It is not an exhaustive guide to reporting conflict but a short introduction to some of the challenges reporters face in a bitterly divided area. Expect t
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o meet some hostility, particularly from civilians caught in the middle of the conflict, and look out for obvious examples of bias, misinformation or blatant propaganda." (Page 3)
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"As information among internally displaced people (IDPs) spreads mostly through word-of-mouth and social media, rumors and misinformation are rife. Citizens in eastern Ukraine have low trust in traditional media, and Ukrainian TV is largely not perceived as a credible source of information. IDPs do
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not seem to be fully aware of eligibility criteria and/or what aid they are able to access if eligible to do so. This increases expectations of displaced communities and feeds further frustration. The situation directly affects the capacity of local and international relief groups to effectively plan and deliver aid. Timely, accurate and neutral information about entitlements, rights, legal assistance, eligibility criteria and available aid are vital in enabling affected populations to make informed decisions and regain a degree of self-agency. As the conflict escalates and the economy worsens, host communities that have shown unprecedented solidarity and generosity are beginning to feel the pressure in their own communities. This is creating social tensions, stigmatization and discrimination against IDPs, who are struggling to integrate." (Page 6)
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"This report, which has been produced by a group of distinguished journalists and their supporters, examines the broad scope of the crisis. It covers countries where media are on the frontline of tough political battles, such as Egypt and Turkey. In Ukraine, for instance, the practice of paid-for jo
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urnalism is a tool routinely used by politicians at election time. The same is true in India. In other countries, including Nigeria, Philippines, and Colombia the precarious working conditions of news staff provide fertile conditions for corruption and “brown envelopes” or under-the-table cash payments to reporters and editors which are a routine feature of journalistic work. The struggles facing journalists in settled democracies, such as the United Kingdom and Denmark, are less brazen, but no less challenging and in a range of countries across the Western Balkans with a shared and painful history, media corruption hinders aspirations to break free from the legacy of war, censorship and political control during decades of communist rule. The story is of an uphill struggle. Everywhere there is a crisis of confidence inside newsrooms caused by crumbling levels of commitment to ethics, a lowering of the status of journalistic work and a pervasive lack of transparency over advertising, ownership and corporate and political affiliations. Government control over lucrative state advertising, which is often allocated to media according to their political bias, remains widespread. At the same time, the elimination in most countries of the invisible wall separating editorial and advertising has created a surge of so-called “native advertising,” hidden advertorials and paid-for journalism. It was this conflict of interest that plunged the crisis-prone UK press into a new bout of handwringing in February 2015 when Peter Oborne, a leading political journalist, quit his job at the Daily Telegraph accusing the management of censoring stories about HSBC bank, a leading advertiser caught up in a tax scandal. These reports tell essentially the same story of deep cuts in editorial investment, undue pressure on newsrooms, and media increasingly dependent upon atypical models of ownership in which media have become the trophy possessions of powerful figures and institutions in pursuit of wider corporate and political objectives." (Introduction, page iii-iv)
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"Die wichtigsten Medien in der Ukraine sind die zahlreichen Fernsehsender, deren Interessen- und Besitzverhältnisse jedoch häufig intransparent sind. Zumeist stehen Oligarchen hinter den diversen privaten Fernsehsendern. Seit 2013 haben Journalisten unabhängige Medien gegründet, die im Laufe des
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Euromajdan große Beliebtheit erlangt haben und sich durch Crowdfunding finanzieren. Zudem versuchen sie, dem weit verbreiteten patriotischen Diskurs durch objektive Berichterstattung Gegensteuer zu geben." (Seite 7)
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"The 2014 MSI study for Europe & Eurasia is marked by an overall constancy of scores, for better or worse. Taken as a whole, the average of 21 overall scores shows an increase of 0.01 compared with last year. Out of the 21 countries studied, 13 showed a change in score of less than 0.10. Of the rema
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ining eight showing significant change, five were headed in a negative direction while three showed improvement. The lack of change was in some cases a sign of resilience and part of a positive overall trend: for example, in Albania, Kosovo, and Moldova panelists noted that recent achievements are not eroding and the media as a whole are finding space to operate independently and are resistant to political control. However, in some cases, such as Ukraine and Serbia, the unchanged scores reflect a sense of frustration on the part of panelists—and a resolve to play a stronger role in bringing about change." (Executive summary)
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"Internet freedom around the world has declined for the fourth consecutive year, with a growing number of countries introducing online censorship and monitoring practices that are simultaneously more aggressive and more sophisticated in their targeting of individual users. In a departure from the pa
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st, when most governments preferred a behind-the-scenes approach to internet control, countries are rapidly adopting new laws that legitimize existing repression and effectively criminalize online dissent." (Page 1)
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"Seit Januar 2014 bietet Russlands Fernsehen einen besonderen Blick auf die Ukraine. In ihrer Aggressivität und Demagogie ist die Berichterstattung beispiellos. Sender rücken vermeintliche „Konzentrationslager für prorussische Aktivisten“ ins Bild, sprechen von einem „Genozid“ an den russ
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ischsprachigen Menschen in der Ukraine und diffamieren die Protestbewegung des Euromajdan als „Faschismus“. Keine Diffamierung ist zu abwegig, um sie nicht zu senden. Polittechnologen stehen hinter dieser Desinformationskampagne. Doch um sie durchzuführen, bedarf es willfähriger Journalisten. Redakteure, Reporter und Moderatoren geben sich dazu her – aus Zynismus und politischer Überzeugung. Dass dabei ihr Berufsethos und die professionellen Standards verloren gehen, ficht sie nicht an. Sie sehen sich in einem Informationskrieg mit dem Westen." (Abstract)
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"Das Radio galt in Russland lange als Biotop – ein Rückzugsraum für professionellen Journalismus. Die Berichterstattung über den Krieg in der „Volksrepublik Donec’k“ offenbart jedoch das Gegenteil. Manche Radiosender begreifen sich als Verlautbarungsorgane der Aufständischen, Moderatoren
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wirken als Agitatoren. Sie gehören zur neosowjetischen Generation der 20- bis 30-Jährigen. Das ist die Generation Putin. Doch am Mikrofon sind sie längst keine Putinisten mehr, sondern viel radikalere Revanchisten vom Schlage Girkins." (Abstract)
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"Vor dem Herbst 2013 spielte die Ukraine in deutschen Medien kaum eine Rolle. Die repressive Politik des Janukovyc-Regimes und die wachsende Unzufriedenheit in der Bevölkerung interessierten nur wenige Redaktionen. Auch die Verhandlungen der EU mit der Ukraine über das Assoziierungsabkommen wurden
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kaum wahrgenommen. Erst mit der Protestbewegung Euromajdan, der Annexion der Krim und der prekären Entwicklung in der Ostukraine wuchs der Bedarf an Berichten und Analysen zur Lage in der Ukraine. Doch die Medien zeigen sich dem nur partiell gewachsen. Zu gravierend sind die strukturellen Defizite." (Abstract)
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"Russia still aspires to influence the news media in the former Soviet republics. The objective appears to be to manipulate their media environments in order to promote dependence on Russia and distrust of the West and to help Russia to pursue its political and commercial objectives–such as persua
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ding former Soviet republics to adhere to the Eurasian Customs Union or promoting opposition to the United States and NATO. The push by Russia to influence the media among its near neighbors not only marks an important thrust of Russian foreign policy, it also poses a major challenge to the international media development community." (CIMA website)
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"Use of Ukrainian vs. Russian in news content is not important for the vast majority of adults; trust in content is key to reliance on sources. Ukrainian TV channels remain the top news sources for adults across ethnic groups and regions (other than Crimea), and offer news trusted by large majoritie
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s overall, and by over half of ethnic Russians. 5Kanal's weekly reach has surged closer to those of top channels, but is a top news source for fewer in the south and, as with 1+1, in the East. Will the rise of Vkontakte, ukr.net, Ukrainska Pravda, Hromadske.tv and other digital media as top news sources continue? Will major changes in the media Crimeans use for news last? Will other websites follow VKontakte into the list of top sources there?" (Media Landscape Summary, page 21)
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"Throughout 2014 the IFJ and EFJ have been working hand in hand with affiliates, the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine, the Independent Media Trade Union of Ukraine and the Russian Union of Journalists to support their members in the field, condemn the intimidation of journalists and manipula
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tion of media and to maintain a professional co-operation between journalists across the conflict. The unions have shown great courage and leadership and we can be very proud of their responses. We are also grateful to the support of Dunja Mijatovic, Representative on Freedom of the Media for the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe for initiating a dialogue between the journalists unions in the spring of 2014. Since then six meetings have taken place that have been vital in building the climate of trust and co-operation. The process has not been easy, there have been tensions and sometimes serious disagreements, but there has been a remarkably broad areas of agreement, both on the principles that underline our profession and on areas of practical action to support and protect our members. This handbook was one initiative from this process and attempts to document the conflict through the eyes of the journalists and the unions. It draws on the joint monitoring and reporting that was conducted by the unions to record the major incidents against journalists in Ukraine and in Russia when related to the conflict. Through a series of interviews with journalists who have been in the war zone it provides an occasionally rough but authentic voice of the reporters and their experiences. The value of proper safety training and preparation for any correspondent is a major theme with interviews packed with advice to journalists contemplating heading to the front line." (Preface)
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