Media Résistance a publié en 2000 le réçit de 23 expériences de journaux, de radios et de télévision indépendantes. Le livre entend répondre à quatre questions: comment les médias résistent aux diverses pressions par les mots, quel est leur rôle dans le renforcement de la société civi
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le, l'alliance en réseaux permet-elle de mieux répondre aux pressions politiques, comment certaines initiatives luttent contre les stéréotypes et les clichés. Expériences d'Afrique: L'Indépendant (Burkina Faso), The News & Tempo (Nigeria), N'Djamena Hebdo (Tchad), The Post (Zambie), Le Journal (Maroc), Citizen FM (Gambie), Studio Ijambo (Burundi).
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"The international mission, as U.S. and Western representatives saw it, was to reconstruct a viable multi-ethnic media, as well as to prevent further conflict. NATO was seeking to build, under the Dayton Accords, a plural society out of pieces that seemed fractured beyond repair. The OHR believed th
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at a pluralistic, peaceful media was an indispensable part of the rebuilding process. The Office proclaimed its desire to "use the opportunity to remove one of the most serious obstacles bedeviling our efforts to re-establish civil society in Bosnia" - the fact that the media was ethnically based.358 NATO and OHR actions must be judged after a reasonable period of time elapses to see if a more democratic Bosnia-Herzegovina, supported by the pluralism that comes from a free and independent press, emerges. Still, one of the great dangers of information intervention is that it provides apparent democratic justification for any nation to use its police power to close down media outlets. Each time the international community intervenes to shut down a media outlet that it does not like, the line between information intervention and censorship becomes blurred. The real test is not only whether an information intervention transforms a society but also whether the intervention comports with the spirit of democratic change. Ends can justify means, but it is helpful if the means themselves are compatible with those ends." (Conclusion, page 111-112)
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"This is an important and brave book. It is important because it is fresh, analytical and identifies the grave shortcomings in the handling of information and the media by the UN in conflicts and emergencies. It is brave because it is written by an insider who knows the deficiencies and wants organi
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sations like the UN to learn the lessons. Peacekeeping and Public Information neatly treads a fine line. It is restrained when perhaps direct accusations could be levelled. But that restraint is its value, because Ingrid Lehmann is identifying shortcomings, not apportioning blame. The failings of procedures - and the need to rebuild them - matter more than the failures of personalities, which undoubtedly there have been in UN Operations. Not just the UN can learn from this book. Also humanitarian organisations, the media, the military, diplomats - and most significantly the corporate world." (Nik Gowing, News Anchor and Analyst on Information in Conflict and Emergencies)
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"This paper is an analytical study and presentation of the Nightwatch column (Nocna kronika) that has been published weekly in the Slovenian Sunday paper Nedelo since the end of summer 1995. The author in the first place endeavors to present this phenomenon in the light of its chauvinist, macho and
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racist nature, and (possible as well as actual) the anti-political and extremist impact of the discourse communicated through this column. The ‘products’ of the Nightwatch column presented here are: foreigners, those from the south, Yugoslavia, Balkan creatures, being s with a half-roof over their heads, citizenship granted to foreigners, Bosnians, Muslims, Islam, refugees, sevdah, pedophiles, transvestites, girls, chicks, and women. Through the analysis of this rich material and particularly the characteristic ‘bar flies discourse’, the author exposes the inner workings of unprecedented dehumanization of those seen as “other” and different in Slovenia. He also proves that dreams about a racism-free Slovenia are the dreams of people who believe they are “innocent” and hence can indulge in comfortable pretense and ‘unknowingness’. The analysis of Nightwatch reveals numerous criminal dimensions of chauvinism, sexism, racism and radical intolerance in general. The author’s main interpretative point is directed towards antipolitical and criminal impacts of the Nightwatch discourse which should be taken extremely seriously as a direct incitement to more or less violent action against those who are seen as other and different." (Abstract)
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"Grundlage der Studie sind Repräsentativ-Umfragen in zehn postkommunistischen Ländern - von der Ex-DDR bis zur Ukraine -, die im Zeitraum November 1997 bis März 1998 durchgeführt wurden. Ergebnis: Einerseits versteht sich ein großer Teil der postkommunistischen Gesellschaft als nichtreligiös u
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nd nichtkonfessionsgebunden, andererseits sind - mit Ausnahme der Ex-DDR, Tschechiens und der Ukraine - die formellen Kirchenmitglieder überall in der Mehrheit. Zudem hat im Vergleich zu Umfragen unmittelbar nach der "Wende" (1990/91) in den meisten Reformstaaten das Vertrauen in die christlichen Kirchen zugenommen. Der erste Band (1999) umfasste Ungarn, Litauen und Slowenien, der zweite Band (2001) Polen, Kroatien und Tschechien, der dritte Band (2002) behandelt die Länder Rumänien, Ukraine und Slowakei." (Kathpress Tagesdienst 25./26.1.1999)
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"Kommunikation hat in jedem Konflikt der Geschichte eine tragende Rolle gespielt. Seit der Erfindung des Buchdruckes werden Flugblätter und Handzettel auf dem Kriegsschauplatz und im Hinterland eingesetzt. Zeitungen werden von Beginn an entweder von Streitkräften herausgegeben oder mittels Zensur
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beeinflußt. Auch der Film wird früh in den Dienst des Krieges gestellt. Bereits im Ersten Weltkrieg entfaltet er seine suggestive Kraft. Mit dem Aufkommen des Hörfunks beginnen die Gegner des Zweiten Weltkrieges Propaganda und Kriegsberichterstattung zu senden. Sobald das Fernsehen verbreitet ist, wird es auch von Konfliktgegnern genutzt. Im Vietnamkonflikt kommt der Krieg mit geringer Verzögerung in die Wohnzimmer. Im Golfkrieg induzierten Iraker und Alliierte Desinformation in die verzuglose Berichterstattung "in Echtzeit". Heute werden selbst Individualmedien wie Telefon und Fax und Datennetze wie das Internet in Konflikten eingesetzt. Der Kosovo-Konflikt fand auch im Internet statt. Zunehmend tritt Kommunikation aber auch in anderer Weise in Konflikten auf: sie ist nicht länger nur Waffe, sie wird in friedenserhaltenden Maßnahmen nun auch zur Brücke." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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El libro examina los modelos y las políticas de descentralisación que han sustentado el desarrollo de la 'televisión de proximidad' en cada uno de los países de la UE. El analysis esta centrado en el marco legal, la estructura y la financición, las estrategias de programación y el uso de lengu
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as minoritarias de las televisiones de ambito regional, local y urbano.
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"From outbreaks of the flesh eating viruses Ebola and Strep A, to death camps in Bosnia and massacres in Rwanda, the media seem to careen from one trauma to another, in a breathless tour of poverty, disease and death. First we're horrified, but each time they turn up the pitch, show us one image mor
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e hideous than the next, it gets harder and harder to feel. Meet compassion fatigue--a modern syndrome, Susan Moeller argues, that results from formulaic media coverage, sensationalized language and overly Americanized metaphors. In her impassioned new book, Compassion Fatigue, Moeller warns that the American media threatens our ability to understand the world around us. Why do the media cover the world in the way that they do? Are they simply following the marketplace demand for tabloid-style international news? Or are they creating an audience that as seen too much--or too little--to care? Through a series of case studies of the Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse--disease, famine, death and war--Moeller investigates how newspapers, newsmagazines and television have covered international crises over the last two decades, identifying the ruts into which the media have fallen and revealing why. Throughout, we hear from industry insiders who tell of the chilling effect of the mega- media mergers, the tyranny of the bottom-line hunt for profits, and the decline of the American attention span as they struggle to both tell and sell a story. But Moeller is insistent that the media need not, and should not, be run like any other business. The media have a special responsibility to the public, and when they abdicate this responsibility and the public lapses into a compassion fatigue stupor, we become a public at great danger to ourselves." (Publisher description)
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"In this essay I discuss the transformation of television journalism into popular culture, and the ideological effect of this transformation. The analysis is based on the systematic observation of Slovene television news (on TV Slovenia and POP TV), carried out for several weeks in 1998." (Summary)