"In the months before Myanmar's national elections in November 2015, Khin Oo says she began to engage directly with Facebook users to dispel rumours and misinformation that, in her view, propagated hate and inflamed intercommunal tensions. She posted "right speech" and "right information" by comment
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ing on other users' comments and posts to correct misunderstandings and challenge errors and misinformation. Khin Oo is one of several Facebook commenters or social media activists I spoke with in 2015 and 2016 who identified themselves as working to counter hate speech. Some are Muslim, but some are not; in fact some are monks worried about protecting their religion. Many are youths and students, but some are older, in their 30s and 40s. They all, however, collectively feel the weight of the future of their country. They desperately want to take action against online hate speech and the spread of misinformation. These individuals, almost all of whom asked to remain unnamed, describe their work as "sharing" new points of view and "talking about different ideas". A review of some of the posts and comments they have distributed and collected, however, shows they are much more intentional and strategic about their actions." (Page 379)
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"Academic studies of Myanmar media in English are few and far between, although this is starting to change as the country continues to open and a new generation of Myanmar scholars emerges. Many of the studies that do exist fall into common conceptual traps, such as an overemphasis on journalism or
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the conflation of "media" and "journalism"; the tendency to analyse texts combined with a relative lack of attention to audiences' uses of, trust in, and interpretations of media; a media-centric focus that does not take into account the context in which events occur or pay attention to the political economy of the media or those key structural issues such as the interconnections between ownership, economics and political interests that also influence content. Much of the recent media research is focused on digital media, especially Facebook and its role in the violence that began in 2012 in Rakhine State. Major gaps in the English language scholarship on Myanmar media, which mirror critiques of media studies generally, are the relative inattention to the study of Myanmar language media, the study of audiences, and research on the political economy of media. Those studies in English that analyse content tend to focus on English-language media in Myanmar." (Page 388)
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"Radio Veritas Asia-Myanmar Service (RVA-MS) had been broadcasting socio-political and religious programming in Shortwave (SW) since November 11, 1978. However, on 30 June 2018, RVA stopped broadcasting in SW and migrated to the internet-based multiplatform broadcasting along with the use of Social
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media. Based on the researcher’s experiences working in RVA-MS, personal observations and the country’s recent developments, this study tries to find out differences between SW and online broadcast, challenges in migrating from SW technology to that of online and its consequences, and future perspectives of this present development i.e., online-based multiplatform broadcast both using websites and social media. Both experiences in SW and Online of RVA as a producer, and data analysis from personal interviews of selected cyber missionaries show that engaging in online ministry in Myanmar is found to be positive and favorable in many ways especially young people and creating a new group of participants. This study determines future online communication ministry of the Myanmar Church and to integrate to an “Online Church” through collaboration and communication by realizing the individual online/cyber missionaries, media professionals and allocating the resources." (Abstract)
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"In this chapter I explore the challenging move from the borderlands and the growth of the media sector inside the ethnic states. The outlets launched inside now outnumber those that have moved inside. BNI's members - now totalling fourteen - are also in the minority. Yet in many ways it is Burma Ne
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ws International (BNI) and its members that have put ethnic media on the map inside Myanmar, and their struggles say much about the sector." (Page 211)
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"Following a summary of secondary and primary sources on the subject of film production in Burma, I will present an overview of the history of the Burmese film industry, from the British colonial period, to independence, to the years of the Burmese Socialist Program Party, and then the SLORC/SPDC ye
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ars of strict censorship. I will then turn to the 2000s, the advent of the Yangon Film School, and finally the blossoming of film festivals in the past decade. With the public presentation of films, which no longer require the same level of approval from the censor board as they did in years past, filmmakers have increasingly been able to openly discuss social issues in the country, though some circumstances will curtail that openness, and controversial topics can still be off-limits. Through recent interviews with contemporary filmmakers, this chapter will discuss the ways in which they see the relationship between film, documentary, and social change in Myanmar." (Page 288)
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"This chapter is drawn primarily from Jane Madlyn McElhone's thirteen years of in-field experience in Myanmar and other nations in transition, as well as key informant interviews she conducted in 2017 and 2018 [...] Our discussion is driven by a series of interlinked questions. Who were the key medi
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a development actors during the time of the military junta, what kind of support did they offer, and who benefited from it? What were the assumptions driving the aid? With hindsight, what are the lessons learned that can be applied to Myanmar's contemporary media development sector, and to regional and international media development efforts? What is the legacy of the many years of pre-transition aid? What have we learned from the response to the Rakhine crisis?" (Pages 96-97)
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"In this chapter I explore the challenge of gaining access, and remaining independent, in an ethnic state where you are expected to be on one side of the conflict or on the other. For decades the military junta restricted access to information and wielded a powerful propaganda strategy. This has had
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a long-lasting impact. There is a massive communication gap between the Burman lowlands and the ethnic states, characterized by historic misunderstandings and misinformation, especially now that social media platforms are the primary way to share information. This has both caused and perpetuated intercommunal conflict between Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims. Information is a power and a weapon, with all sides distorting and exaggerating it. It is hard to trust what people say and to do accurate media coverage. Even the words you use to describe northern Rakhine and the Rohingya are highly sensitive. The fact that the military has closed off a large area in the north of the state where the Rohingya historically lived makes access and understanding all the more difficult. In this chapter I use my own experiences doing fieldwork, conducting interviews and building trust to explore identity and language politics in Rakhine State and to explain the challenges of getting to the truth." (Pages 229-230)
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"Through understanding audience members’ priorities, views and experiences, Yay Kyi Yar ['Towards Clearer Water', a factual magazine radio programme] has been able to engage and inspire people. Listeners were driven by stories of ‘people like them’ achieving things they had not thought possibl
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e, which motivated them to change their own practices. The research evaluation found that listeners are most interested in, and likely to remember, content that is relevant to them. For most people, this means information about how to make their money go further – content that they cannot readily access elsewhere. The information that listeners particularly appreciated and were most likely to act upon was guidance that was simple to understand and easy to put into practice. U U Pike San ['Mr Money', a radio character who is funny and speaks in a clear and simple way] was key to audience appeal because of his humour and his practice of sharing one simple, achievable action per episode. This research briefing focused on the financial management information included in Yay Kyi Yar. However, the evaluation found that listeners also gained knowledge about how to manage the risks of migration from listening to the programme. Listeners who were either migrants or potential migrants themselves, or who had migrants in their family, were particularly interested in the information on jobs and migration shared on the programme." (Conclusion, page 7)
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"Pre-publication censorship has been abolished, private journals and papers abound (although the issue of consolidation caused by financial strains is another matter) and, depending on your calculations, there are between 2,000 and 5,000 accredited journalists in Myanmar, at least half of whom are w
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omen. Yet you could count on one hand the number of women in leadership positions in the local media landscape … In the words of Nai Nai, a former journalist who worked first for the Southeast Asian Press Alliance and now FOJO (and conducted the interview with Ye Naing Moe in this volume), "The hardest challenge of all is the attitude from male senior staff who do not want to accept and respect the effort and capacity of women. The top-down communication and 'don't talk back' culture is a huge issue to tackle." Women journalists, instead of being respected, are seen as "incapable, burdensome, emotional and unable to reason", added Nai Nai. Her family of journalistic talent also includes a younger sister who left her job as a producer with a television station to give birth, becoming yet another statistic of female journalists whose careers were cut short after choosing to start a family." (Pages 243-244)
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"Myanmar Media in Transition: Legacies, Challenges and Change is the first volume to overview the country’s contemporary media landscape, providing a critical assessment of the sector during the complex and controversial political transition. Moving beyond the focus on journalism and freedom of th
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e press that characterizes many media-focused volumes, Myanmar Media in Transition also explores developments in fiction, filmmaking, social movement media and social media. Documenting changes from both academic and practitioner perspectives, the twenty-one chapters reinforce the volume’s theoretical arguments by providing on-the-ground, factual and experiential data intended to open useful dialogue between key stakeholders in the media, government and civil society sectors. Providing an overview of media studies in the country, Myanmar Media in Transition addresses current challenges, such as the use of social media in spreading hate speech and the shifting boundaries of free expression, by placing them within Myanmar’s broader historic social, political and economic context." (Publisher description)
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"This report analyses the Chin media sector. It is based on research conducted by MDIF from late 2018 through December 2019, as well as a quantitative and qualitative survey conducted by Myanmar Survey Research (MSR) in May 2019. The report provides data on the Chin media operations themselves, as w
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ell as the news and information needs and preferences of their actual and potential audiences in Chin State and Sagaing Region [...] What we have found is that, in many respects, Chin media face very similar problems to their counterparts elsewhere in Myanmar. They have often been set up by individuals who are deeply committed to serving the information needs of their communities, and they are often an important source of information for their audiences. We also have found that Chin media are dealing with challenges managing the digital transition that are similar to both their national and local media counterparts, and that more than half of them are also simultaneously continuing to produce print publications that remain a valuable news source for local communities. And, like local media all over the country, MDIF’s research has confirmed that Chin media are facing a major struggle to survive financially, often having to rely on local donors and personal savings as well as more traditional revenue sources such as advertising and print copy sales." (Introduction)
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"My focus in this chapter is on civil society mobilization in Tanintharyi Region in southern Myanmar, and particularly in Kanbauk, a village of about 1,500 households in the Tanintharyi Hills, eighty kilometres north of the regional capital, Dawei. In recent years, Kanbauk villagers have contended w
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ith Delco Ltd, a Yangon-based company that runs a tin and tungsten mine in their area in a production-sharing agreement with the government-owned Mining Enterprise No. 2. Villagers have been seeking to assert some influence over company practices, especially regarding the release of wastewater into local streams. Tensions intensified after an accident in September 2015 in which a tailing pond embankment collapsed causing a flash flood that led to the death of a child and the destruction of many villagers' houses. I discuss the resistance effort that emerged in the village and the company's strategies to suppress and dismiss it. Specifically, I focus on the work of a Kanbauk writer and activist, Aung Lwin, and an evocative essay he wrote, published in May 2016 in Tanintharyi Weekly, a small regional publication. Written from the perspective of a fish dying in a stream polluted by mining waste, Aung Lwin's essay offers a sardonic view of events in the village and hints at a possible arrangement between the company and local government officials. As part of its larger effort to quash local resistance to the mine, Delco filed (and won) a lawsuit against Aung Lwin for criminal defamation under Article 500 of the Myanmar Penal Code. The case reveals the complexities of the current moment in Myanmar and the uncertain spaces in which actors in civil society are operating. It reveals as well the fraught dynamics of media, as authoritarian forces remain active and unpredictable. Although this particular lawsuit was brought against the writer rather than the publication, it has wider implications for Myanmar media, especially for smaller, more vulnerable, regional outlets." (Page 152)
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"In 2013 I became the co-organizer of the Human Rights, Human Dignity Film Festival in Yangon. We organized the festival for a simple reason - we were very suspicious of the political reform process initiated by the Thein Sein administration, the transformed military government. Like many of our fel
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low citizens, we wanted to push the boundaries of the so-called quasi-civilian rule, by using the human rights film festival as a tool. That's how Myanmar's first international human rights film festival came to be. The landmark human rights event was held in Yangon for five years. A mobile film festival that brought human rights films to audiences across Myanmar also grew in scope. The abolition of pre-publication censorship in Myanmar resulted in a certain level of media freedom for the print media, but not for the film industry. In 2014 the film censorship board was recreated as the "Film Classification Board" under the Ministry of Information. In order to screen human rights films in downtown cinemas, authorization was required from the Film Classification Board. Without that official piece of paper, none of the commercial entertainment companies would allow us to host the human rights film festival in their theatres. Therefore, in order to keep the festival running, we did not select overly sensitive films. That might be called self-censorship; yet, in 2013, the first year of the festival, all films submitted to the Film Classification Board - including a documentary film about human rights violations in Myanmar prisons based on the story of a political prisoner - got the go-ahead to be publicly screened." (Pages 307-308)
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"A survey, conducted in July 2018, interviewed 750 people from the Rohingya community and 750 people from the host community (local Bangladeshi citizens) about how they access information, what they think of the information and how they communicate with aid providers. The survey tracked how perceive
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d provision of information has changed since an initial information needs assessment, carried out by Internews, in October 2017 [...] The survey shows that people feel substantially more informed in July 2018 than they did in October 2017. The Internews study in October found that only 23% of Rohingya men and women felt they had enough information to make good decisions for themselves and their family. This recent study shows that 84% feel they have enough information to make good decisions for themselves and their families and three quarters (75%) of the Rohingya community said it had become easier to get information over the last six months. This is similar to other data collected – a recent Translators without Borders study found that 68% of Rohingya refugees feel they have enough information to make decisions. During fieldwork, almost a third (30%) of Rohingya survey respondents asked the data collectors questions such as, did they know where to collect relief, or did they know anything about the Government’s plans for repatriation? This suggests that while the Rohingya community feel better informed than when they first arrived, they still have many questions, particularly around their future – only 41% of respondents said they felt informed about their options for the future. The survey showed that the current key information needs of the Rohingya and host community are around their main concerns – where to find food. The Rohingya are also worried about sourcing cooking fuel, while the host community is seeking information around financial support as a result of perceived declining employment opportunities [...] Mahjis (Rohingya community leaders) are the main source of information for Rohingya people (mentioned by 87% of participants) and are now the most trusted source of information (they were only ranked 7th in the October 2017 information needs assessment). This increase in trust may be reflective of how agencies and camp coordinators are more systematically using mahjis to share information with people in their camp block. Mahjis are the main channel through which Rohingya communities say they communicate with aid providers (mentioned by 38% of respondents)." (Executiv summary)
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"These are the background case notes complied for MEMO 2018.1: Challenging Truth and Trust: A Global Inventory of Organized Social Media Manipulation. For details on the methods behind this content analysis please see the methodology section of the report. This document contains data from over 500 s
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ources organized by country. The sources include high quality news articles, academic papers, white papers, and a range of other grey literature. As an annotated bibliography, the country cases here make use of significant passages from these secondary sources, and every effort has been made to preserve full citation details for future researchers. The full list of references can be found in our public Zotero folder, with each reference tagged with a country name." (Page 3)
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"Myanmar’s local media outlets face a variety of internal and external obstacles hampering their prospects for sustainability. Key among these today, and the focus of this report, are the business realities that every media outlet must tackle." (Introduction)
"Facebook commissioned BSR to undertake a human rights impact assessment (HRIA) of the company’s presence in Myanmar. BSR undertook this HRIA between May and September 2018, using a methodology based on the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPs). This assessment identifies and
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prioritizes actual and potential human rights impacts, reaches conclusions about those impacts, and makes recommendations for their mitigation and management. This HRIA was funded by Facebook, though BSR retained editorial control over its contents." (About this report, page 1)
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"The study found that there is a widespread preference towards local media as people feel that these media outlets provide them with information relevant to their local communities and daily lives. Television is a preferred medium for consuming news but social media, and Facebook in particular, is c
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atching up. A culture of sharing news and information ensures that even people without access to Facebook know of the platform and get updates through friends and family. People’s trust in media differs but with many preferring state-owned media to deliver trustworthy and reliable news and information. Some news consumers showcase a natural skepticism towards news and information, but limited access to reliable information makes it difficult for them to verify what they read, see or hear. Despite some people’s ability to critically reflect on the information they encounter, the level of media literacy in Myanmar remains low with many finding it difficult to decipher media content and grasp the role and purpose of media and news. Based on the findings, the report ends with 12 recommendations. Six are directed towards the Myanmar media industry, journalists and other content producers while the remaining six are targeted at media development organizations and learning institutions." (Executive summary)
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