"From the analysis of one week of conflict coverage in May 2018, this study found that the media relies on a limited number of sources to cover conflicts. Stories are often reported with a single or no sources and elite sources are preferred over people who have experienced the conflict and its cons
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equences. Furthermore, limited access to information forces private-owned media to rely on information brought by government-owned or military-owned media, which increases the risk of circular reporting and spreading of mis- and disinformation. Limited access to information also impacts news selection as journalists in Myanmar are often restricted from entering conflict areas (or do not have the necessary safety training nor equipment) to report from the field. Although the media is able to cover conflicts from a human-interest point of view, this choice of framing is not consistent. There is a big difference in how the conflict in Rakhine is being covered compared to other conflicts. Particularly the coverage of the Rohingya Muslims is inadequate and unsettling. The Rohingya appear to be a non-priority for the media, and the presentation of the minority group is marked by prejudices." (Conclusions, page 18)
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"The 43 country reports included in this year’s Global Information Society Watch (GISWatch) capture the different experiences and approaches in setting up community networks across the globe. They show that key ideas, such as participatory governance systems, community ownership and skills transfe
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r, as well as the “do-it-yourself” spirit that drives community networks in many different contexts, are characteristics that lend them a shared purpose and approach. The country reports are framed by eight thematic reports that deal with critical issues such as the regulatory framework necessary to support community networks, sustainability, local content, feminist infrastructure and community networks, and the importance of being aware of “community stories” and the power structures embedded in those stories." (Back cover)
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"The model of journalism we practice in Asia is an adversarial one driven by conflict reporting, a model we have borrowed from the West. This book is an outcome of a project implemented by the Faculty of Communication Arts of Chulalongkorn University and funded by the International Program for the D
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evelopment of Communications (IPDC) of UNESCO. The project incorporates Asian philosophical ideas and communication theories emanating from Buddhist, Hindu, and Confucius teachings for developing a curriculum to train Asian journalists. It is designed to frame a new paradigm of reporting tha could form a new approach to development communication. It covers areas such as realizing social harmony, protecting nature and environment, respecting cultural diversity, and encouraging sufficiency economic models. This book focuses on using such a path of communication to promote sustainable development." (Preface)
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"This mapping of the Myanmar media development sector is informed by three activities: a status update of the recommendations in the 2016 Assessment of Media Development in Myanmar report based on UNESCO’s Media Development Indicators, an online survey conducted in March and April 2018, and a seri
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es of key informant interviews and focus group discussions. The two Top 10 lists of priority areas – the first for the Union Government and the second for media donors and implementers – are informed by the research findings." (Executive summary)
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"Since August 2017 over 671,000 people (mostly Rohingya) have crossed the border from Myanmar to Bangladesh to escape violence in Rakhine State. There are now more than one million Rohingya refugees staying in campsites along the Bangladeshi side of the border. In September 2017 Internews conducted
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an information ecosystem assessment, which found that 77% of the Rohingya population do not have enough information to make decisions for themselves and their family and 62% reported that they were unable to communicate with aid providers. Additionally, the assessment found that 96% of refugees use Rohingya as their primary language. In the meantime, the funding requirements for Communication with Communities (CwC) went from 4 million USD in the Humanitarian Response Plan (September 2017 – February 2018) to 5,9 million USD in the Joint Response Plan for the period of March until December 2018. This shows at the very least an increased understanding of the importance of CwC among individual agencies, sectors and the wider humanitarian system. Moreover, it highlights that more agencies have integrated CwC in their plans and rolled out CwC-related activities. So, while the first assessment of Internews looked at the demand-side of CwC, this report looks at the supply side of communication and investigates what kind of CwC services are on offer half a year after the initial assessment. The survey, conducted in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh from late February to early March 2018, not only captures different activities but also highlights the gaps in communication activities." (Introduction)
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"This chapter focuses on the role of Myanmar's fastest growing form of media—social media—in formulating notions of citizenship and nation amid Myanmar's transition. It begins with an overview of the history of mobile and internet access in Myanmar. The chapter explores the new social and politi
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cal opportunities, tensions and dynamics that are emerging as a result of Myanmar's liberalisation, particularly of the telecommunications sector. It explains how the technologies interact with and alter pre-existing social networks, relationships and communication practices, opening up new spheres for activism and advocacy of various kinds including the reforging of civil-military relations and notions of citizenship. The chapter discusses a call for future research to recognise the interaction between online-offline action, and how this may influence the emergence of a 'national' culture in Myanmar. In addition to enabling civilian humanitarian action, cyber-space has also become one of the primary domains through which civil-military relations are being reforged after decades of authoritarian rule." (Abstract)
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"Until the state and its aligned media operate in a fair and competitive media market, there will be little space for independent news media to survive, much less make the investments needed to innovate and survive in this raucous, frontier environment. Myanmar has a much smaller overall advertising
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sector than neighboring countries, and audiences are rapidly shifting to digital/mobile platforms. Outside Yangon, ethnic and regional news media, often operating in rural and conflict-filled environments, have little possibility of generating sufficient amounts of market-derived revenue to support their operations. To lose their voices would be to lose the plural, local and diverse voices of an inclusive society. To create a vibrant overall media sector, the government must have the political will to create a vibrant public service media sector. To repeat: at the very least, it should stop competing for revenue against the news media it licenses, regulates, can sue, prosecute and imprison. The Broadcasting Law has provisions for this; the government should embrace them. It must also further develop the legal infrastructure supporting media, including copyright, intellectual property, and online privacy laws. For all the laws governing journalists and journalism, there are few that protect their work product or that support the news media industry and its role in the broader economy." (Conclusion)
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"The main purpose of this report is to analyze the documentary feature film called 'The Opium War' based on the civilians' antidrug movement in the author's home place, Myanmar's Kachin state. The film mainly focuses on the antidrug movement 'Pat Jasan' organized by Myanmar civilians and which liter
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ally translates in the local Kachin language by "stop and clean off drugs". This documentary does not follow one single character but a group of civilians who are activists in the antidrug movement. The film covers a series of incidents that occur between the antidrugcivilian activists and farmers producing opium. The report is a step-by-step analysis of the film's production process from the conception of the idea to the completion of the film within the period of the years 2016 to 2017 [...] The main shortcoming of this film is that the author didn't manage to obtain as much information from the government and from the drug lords as he wished. But not only some police officials declined interviews, but basically the crew was risking the whole time being arrested by the officials for exposing the drug problem to a wider audience. Additionally it was life-threatening to approach too much the drug lords and the opium farmers who woul become aggressive towards people with cameras. Because of those issues coming from both the police and the drug lords the crew had to shoot many of the scenes in the film secretly from rootops or from trees in order to avoid being spotted. Still while shooting the film, the crew witnessed the death of an antidrug activist who was shot dead by drug lords and the serious wounding of another fifty people by an attack from opium farmers." (Abstract)
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"To inform the development of a new radio drama for Rohingya refugees in Cox’s Bazar, BBC Media Action carried out a small scale qualitative research study that sought to understand more about Rohingya men and womens’ understanding and attitudes towards child marriage, intimate partner violence
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and sexual exploitation and abuse. Eight in-depth interviews and four mini focus group discussions were held with Rohingya men and women living in two camps in Cox’s Bazar, as well as key informant interviews with humanitarian practitioners working on issues related to gender-based violence (GBV). The study found that intimate partner violence and child marriage are deeply rooted and normalised within the Rohingya community in Cox’s Bazar. The perceived economic and social benefits of marrying their daughters off early greatly outweigh the risks of child marriage for parents, who have little knowledge of the health risks of early childbirth, and fear social criticism if their daughters are not married within two to three years of going through puberty. Both Rohingya men and women accept intimate partner violence as a normal part of life, and believe it is the husband’s right to abuse his wife if she does not fulfil her duties. Women rarely speak out about violence against them, for fear they will be socially ostracised and their husbands will remarry, leaving them with no financial stability and no opportunity to remarry. These findings have clear implications for communications initiatives, including the need to work towards de-normalising gender-based violence, by engaging both male and female audiences in storylines which encourage them to question existing practices and norms." (https://www.bbc.co.uk/mediaaction)
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"Under the heading “Inclusive, independent media in a new democracy”, the 5th annual Myanmar Media Development Conference took place 7 – 8 November 2016 in Yangon, the first to be held under the new democratically elected government. The conference featured government representatives, media ow
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ners, human rights activists, and media practitioners from different ethnic backgrounds. A less stringent, hardtalk-like format paved the way for a less formal and more frank discussion than that of previous years. Gender inequality in media and the challenges of ethnic and community media were at the heart of discussions, where Minister of Information, U Pe Myint, expressed continued commitment to the media reform process. “This year’s meeting theme recognises that for media to develop, the country’s diverse voices, in terms of gender and ethnicity, must also be considered.” The exceptionally high turnout of more than 300 representatives from the media, government, military, judiciary, civil society and international press freedom organisations at the meeting was, if anything, a clear illustration of the continued sense of importance invested in the media reform process in Myanmar." (Page 7)
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"Governments around the world have dramatically increased their efforts to manipulate information on social media over the past year. The Chinese and Russian regimes pioneered the use of surreptitious methods to distort online discussions and suppress dissent more than a decade ago, but the practice
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has since gone global. Such state-led interventions present a major threat to the notion of the internet as a liberating technology. Online content manipulation contributed to a seventh consecutive year of overall decline in internet freedom, along with a rise in disruptions to mobile internet service and increases in physical and technical attacks on human rights defenders and independent media. Nearly half of the 65 countries assessed in Freedom on the Net 2017 experienced declines during the coverage period, while just 13 made gains, most of them minor. Less than one-quarter of users reside in countries where the internet is designated Free, meaning there are no major obstacles to access, onerous restrictions on content, or serious violations of user rights in the form of unchecked surveillance or unjust repercussions for legitimate speech." (Page 1)
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"In a country as historically conflict ridden as Myanmar, will the reduced communication costs yielded by the recent expansion of mobile telephony create political affordances that make collective organization for peace or violence more likely to prevail? Applying a random effects model of time-seri
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es cross-sectional data, we test the relationship shared by ethnic groups’increasing access to mobile telephony and their incidence of violent conflict against the state. By comparing differences in the effect across two distinct periods of time—before and after mobile phones became widely available—we can conduct robust tests of this relationship. The results of the analysis offer only marginal support for the prediction that increased access to mobile phones amplified groups’ incidence of violence against the state. More often, the direction of the effect traveled in the opposite direction, suggesting that the spread of mobile phones possibly served as a pacifying force for certain ethnic groups. Conclusions. Within the context of Myanmar, the expansion of mobile telephony has not encouraged greater violence and may instead serve as a pacifying force." (Abstract)
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"This publication is what we call our Transfer Guide. It serves three different purposes. First, it documents the work done by the IGF Academy team and the eight fellows in 2016. Together, we mapped those stakeholders involved (or who should be involved) in Internet governance in the eight countries
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[Bangladesh, Bhutan, Congo-Brazzaville, Myanmar, Namibia, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Togo] [...] Secondly, the Transfer Guide is an iterative document in that the fellows will continue to work on or adapt various aspects of the process, such as creating more detailed funding and communication strategies or mapping a changing stakeholder environment. As such, the Transfer Guide shows past as well as future tasks and also serves as a reminder of actions to review. Thirdly, this publication aims to transfer knowledge and experience so that others can benefit from the results of this process." (Page 3)
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"In this volume of essays edited by Anya Schiffrin, media capture is shown to be a growing phenomenon linked both to the resurgence of authoritarian governments as well as to the structural weaknesses presently afflicting media markets. In this environment, political figures and economic elites are
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colluding to undermine the independence of privately-owned media, and efforts to stop this collusion by activists, regulators, and the international community have proven to be ineffective." (Publisher description)
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"The United States Agency for International Development/Burma launched the Civil Society and Media (CSM) Activity in 2014 to improve engagement between the public and the Government of Burma by supporting local civil society and media organizations. This mixed-methods, mid-term performance evaluatio
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n focused on the CSM Activity’s programmatic effectiveness and contributions to democratic processes as well as how it affected inclusivity of vulnerable groups. Overall, the CSM Activity worked effectively to influence laws, policies, processes, practices, and services affecting the people of Burma. While some civil society grantees offered recommendations to the government about laws and policies on a national scale, others contributed to action on the local level. All media grantees produced content to raise awareness about priorities of public interest. Some contributed to action by State/Region and local governments, but government entities do not openly recognize media as influencing their decisions and actions. The Activity increased the quantity of content produced by media grantees, particularly in periphery areas, and it had some success in increasing exchange of information between urban and rural areas; however, most examples are not related to Union-level democratic reform issues. The Activity’s influence on an improved media enabling environment has been limited, given the restrictive operating environment and constriction in Burma’s press freedoms." (Abstract)
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"The study shows that very little time and space is given to women as news sources and subjects in Myanmar media. The overall figure of 16% representation across all mediums, can be interpreted as an established practice of media to defer in most cases to the male source. Female and male sources are
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most frequently sourced as spokespersons of an organization or group. In this case it is the organization or group being represented, not the reporter, who is choosing who is interviewed. This indicates that 1) the high proportion of male sources in news reflects the concentration of men in high-status positions in society, and 2) reporters make little effort to interrupt this systematic representation of male voices, when actually they can make a difference through their other choices of sources." (Conclusion)
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"There is no accessible media in the Rohingya language, leaving the Rohingya population of well over a million, now spread between Myanmar and Bangladesh, reliant on information only available in languages other than their own [...] This assessment, conducted in the Cox’s Bazar region of Banglades
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h in late October 2017, examines the information ecosystem facing the area’s crisis affected population (introduction). According to the executive summary (page 10), "mobile phones were one of the main sources to send and receive information prior to arrival in the camps, which indicates a high household’s ownership of mobile phone sets (64%). Within newly arrived families, smart phones are mainly used by adult men between age 15 to 24; many of them have taken an active role to mingle with others, access to Facebook and YouTube, and bring information back to the households. Some of the young boys with smart phones have said to spend major amount of credit on data rather than voice connectivity. Also, young men find places to gather, such as shops, where they can charge phones and share information with others of the same age. The lack of access to information and communication channels should perhaps not be surprising, given the enormous challenges presented by the information landscape. 71% of the affected population has had no formal education of any kind, and 77% of the refugee population is illiterate in any language. The Rohingya dialect, the main language spoken by 96% of the refugee population, has no agreed written script. It is technically illegal for refugees to purchase SIM cards. Access to radio sets is limited, and the signal is weak in many areas. What mass media that is available, is in Bangla or Chittigonian. 81% of refugees do not currently listen to the radio."
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"In this special edition of GISWatch, Unshackling Expression, APC brings together analysis on the criminalisation of online expression from six Asian states: Cambodia, India, Malaysia, Myanmar, Pakistan and Thailand. While the report mostly focuses on criminalisation, curbs placed on expression usin
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g laws, regulations and policies are also discussed in parts. These countries were chosen for closer study based on preliminary assessment. These six states have several socio-political characteristics that are similar and varied. They have largely similar legal systems, since India, Malaysia, Myanmar and Pakistan are former British colonies and follow the commonwealth system. These countries were also chosen keeping in mind sub-regional balance and to bring to the table a diverse experience with laws and violations. All these states, amongst many others, criminalise online expression for a variety of reasons, which they set out in their constitutions and legislations. In these country reports, the authors identify and analyse the reasons for which online expression is criminalised, from defamation to sedition, hate speech to blasphemy, national security to contempt of court." (Page 5)
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"This is a case story demonstrating how puppetry was integrated into educational programmes in Myanmar to address disabilities and the importance of an inclusive education." (Publisher description)