"Durante año y medio, la FLIP y Linterna Verde monitoreamos la conversación que giró alrededor del periodismo y le pusimos la lupa a tres momentos virales para entender qué hay detrás de cada ataque digital: El conocido hashtag #CaracolMiente, que surgió después de que el presidente Gustavo P
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etro trinara repetidamente que la información difundida por Noticias Caracol era falsa. Un análisis sobre 20 mil tuits evidencia coordinación en el uso de #CaracolMiente además de un patrón recurrente: la mayoría de las cuentas involucradas tenían una base pequeña de seguidores y mostraban una elevada actividad de retuits con contenido favorable al Gobierno.
En un segundo acto, el presidente Petro acusó a un supuesto "grupo poderoso" de querer destruir su gobierno, llamándolo "prensa Mossad". Al día siguiente, utilizó esa expresión en X para referirse a la periodista María Jimena Duzán, quien había publicado un artículo que criticaba una irregularidad en su administración relacionada con el hermano de Laura Sarabia. El 26 de junio, el término "Mossad" registró más de 8.600 menciones en X, 28 veces más que el promedio.
El tercer caso ocurrió durante un evento en Nuquí, cuando el presidente Petro acusó a las periodistas de promover narrativas que criminalizan la protesta legítima, calificándolas como "muñecas de la mafia". Se detonaron casi 300 mil menciones de tal término entre ese día hasta el 5 de septiembre. Y aunque hubo respaldo hacia las periodistas, la conversación en X giró alrededor de críticas, descalificaciones e insultos hacia las profesionales de comunicaicón.
Por otro lado, y analizando los ataques y de su impacto en la libertad de expresión podemos decir que la fuente de estos ataques, en Latinoamérica, proviene principalmente del Estado o de políticos; hay una prevalencia en los ataques en línea a nivel mundial que resultan en agresiones físicas, persecución judicial o incluso el asesinato, y particularmente, las periodistas mujeres enfrentan ataques contra su reputación, especialmente aquellos basados en género y por su orientación sexual."
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"A dos años de su mandato, la relación del presidente Gustavo Petro con la prensa ha estado marcada por la descalificación y la desconfianza en los medios de comunicación y en periodistas que considera incómodos. En contraste, su Gobierno creó nuevos canales de comunicación oficial y aumentó
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el presupuesto del sistema de medios público. De manera intermitente ha enviado señales —que no terminan de concretarse— de querer fortalecer a los medios alternativos y comunitarios, y ha incluido a influencers en su estrategia de comunicación. A diferencia de la actitud del presidente Iván Duque hacia la prensa —quien dividió el panorama mediático entre "amigos" y "enemigos" durante un periodo marcado por protestas contra sus políticas y su manejo de la crisis del COVID-19–, el actual Jefe de Estado considera que los medios de mayor influencia son adversarios políticos y prefiere comunicarse por X." (Página 5)
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"Sections of the book engage in critical reflection on what peacebuilding effectiveness is and who gets to decide, provide practical examples and case studies of the successes and failures of assessing peacebuilding work, and support innovative strategies and tools to move the field forward. Chapter
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s reflect a variety of perspectives on peacebuilding effectiveness and methods—quantitative, qualitative, and participatory—to evaluate peacebuilding efforts, with particular attention to approaches that center those local to the peacebuilding process. Practitioners and policymakers alike will find useful arguments and approaches for evaluating peacebuilding activities and making the case for funding such efforts." (Publisher description)
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"This book explores how journalism is practiced around the world and how there are multiple factors at the structural and contextual level shaping journalism practice. Drawing on case studies of how conflicts, pandemics, political developments, or human rights violations are covered in an online-fir
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st era, the volume analyzes how journalism is conducted as a process in different parts of the world and how such knowledge can benefit today's globally connected journalist. A global team of scholars and practicing journalists combine theoretical knowledge and empirically rich scholarship with real-life experiences and case studies to offer a storehouse of knowledge on key aspects of international journalism. Divided into four sections – journalistic autonomy, safety, and freedom; mis(information), crises, and trust; technology, news flow, and audiences; and diversity, marginalization, and journalism education – the volume examines both trends and patterns, as well as cultural and geographical uniqueness that distinguish journalism in different parts of the world." (Publisher description)
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"1. Un asunto de identidad: No existe una única definición de lo que es una radio católica y esa circunstancia que puede ser sana también genera división en los medios. [...]
2. Medios para la comunión: Una conclusión que se desprende de las entrevistas aquí realizadas es que los medios poc
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o se comunican entre sí. [...]
3. La financiación: No existe un solo medio en la región que pueda decir que sus finanzas son las más sanas, que no necesita inyección económica alguna o que no desea mejorar sus ingresos. [...]
4. El limbo de la legalidad: Todo medio de comunicación católico se caracteriza, de acuerdo a las conversaciones sostenidas para realizar este libro, por tener una concesión o permiso dentro de la legalidad y si carece de ello es claro que el silencio de los entes reguladores constituye un “permiso” para emitir. [...]
5. La formación y capacitación: Algunos medios de comunicación son robustos en la formación eclesial pero débiles en la capacitación radial. Otros, los menos, son sólidos en lo radial pero flácidos en lo eclesial. [...]
6. Hacia la creatividad: Las radios católicas, en general, proponen a sus audiencias contenidos de fondo, interesantes, formativos, etc. sin embargo su profundidad no se compadece con las formas de presentarlos. [...]
7. La incidencia: Los medios católicos no son protagonistas en la vida de sus regiones y no lo hacen porque no quieren tener problemas con nadie. [...]
8. El sueño de hacer red: Una tarea aplazada en las frecuencias regionales es el trabajo en red del cual se habla, pero no se cristaliza. [...]
9. Evangelizar en una nueva cultura: La experiencia de los medios eclesiales en el entorno digital es concluyente, son más las necesidades que las fortalezas que se tienen. [...]
10. La importancia de las audiencias: Evangelizar al pueblo de Dios ya evangelizado es un círculo vicioso y quizá hasta nocivo para cualquier medio en la medida en que él solo se va cerrando a nuevas posibilidades de escucha. [...]" (Conclisiones, páginas 245-256)
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"El presente informe detalla la información aportada durante la audiencia regional temática "Afectaciones al derecho a la libertad de expresión por medidas estatales de censura en las Américas" liderada por 25 organizaciones de la sociedad civil durante el 190° Período Ordinario de Sesiones de
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la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos (en adelante, “CIDH” o “la Comisión”). Las 25 organizaciones de la sociedad civil trabajan en siete países de América Latina: Argentina, Brasil, Colombia, El Salvador, Guatemala, México y Nicaragua. En distintos niveles, cada uno de estos países ha enfrentado en la actualidad o historia reciente contextos de limitación al ejercicio de los derechos fundamentales de libertad de prensa, libertad de expresión, el acceso a la información y el derecho a defender derechos humanos en relación con tales derechos. A pesar de las diferencias de contextos, hemos verificado una misma hoja de ruta diseñada y ejecutada para socavar la participación pública y la difusión de información relevante sobre los poderes públicos. Son estrategias de censura indirecta que se identifican y sirven a prácticas autoritarias que debilitan a los sistemas democráticos. En este contexto de mayor tendencia hacia gobiernos antidemocráticos, se evidencian tres tipos de censuras indirectas que generan preocupación y agudizan la amenaza de ejercicio libre de libertades básicas en un Estado democrático: i) estigmatizaciones; ii) formas de control social facilitadas por las nuevas tecnologías con capacidad de vigilancia; iii) la judicialización de la libertad de expresión sobre asuntos de interés público." (Introducción)
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"Across markets, only around a fifth of respondents (22%) now say they prefer to start their news journeys with a website or app – that’s down 10 percentage points since 2018. Publishers in a few smaller Northern European markets have managed to buck this trend, but younger groups everywhere are
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showing a weaker connection with news brands’ own websites and apps than previous cohorts – preferring to access news via side-door routes such as social media, search, or mobile aggregators.
• Facebook remains one of the most-used social networks overall, but its influence on journalism is declining as it shifts its focus away from news. It also faces new challenges from established networks such as YouTube and vibrant youth-focused networks such as TikTok. The Chinese-owned social network reaches 44% of 18–24s across markets and 20% for news. It is growing fastest in parts of Asia-Pacific, Africa, and Latin America.
• When it comes to news, audiences say they pay more attention to celebrities, influencers, and social media personalities than journalists in networks like TikTok, Instagram, and Snapchat. This contrasts sharply with Facebook and Twitter, where news media and journalists are still central to the conversation.
• Much of the public is sceptical of the algorithms used to select what they see via search engines, social media, and other platforms. Less than a third (30%) say that having stories selected for me on the basis of previous consumption is a good way to get news, 6 percentage points lower than when we last asked the question in 2016. Despite this, on average, users still slightly prefer news selected this way to that chosen by editors or journalists (27%), suggesting that worries about algorithms are part of a wider concern about news and how it is selected.
• Despite hopes that the internet could widen democratic debate, we find fewer people are now participating in online news than in the recent past. Aggregated across markets, only around a fifth (22%) are now active participators, with around half (47%) not participating in news at all. In the UK and United States, the proportion of active participators has fallen by more than 10 percentage points since 2016. Across countries we find that this group tends to be male, better educated, and more partisan in their political vie ws.
• Trust in the news has fallen, across markets, by a further 2 percentage points in the last year, reversing in many countries the gains made at the height of the Coronavirus pandemic. On average, four in ten of our total sample (40%) say they trust most news most of the time. Finland remains the country with the highest levels of overall trust (69%), while Greece (19%) has the lowest after a year characterised by heated arguments about press freedom and the independence of the media." (Summary, page 10)
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"In many countries, especially outside Europe and the United States, we find a significant further decline in the use of Facebook for news and a growing reliance on a range of alternatives including private messaging apps and video networks. Facebook news consumption is down 4 percentage points, acr
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oss all countries, in the last year.
• News use across online platforms is fragmenting, with six networks now reaching at least 10% of our respondents, compared with just two a decade ago. YouTube is used for news by almost a third (31%) of our global sample each week, WhatsApp by around a fifth (21%), while TikTok (13%) has overtaken Twitter (10%), now rebranded X, for the first time.
• Linked to these shifts, video is becoming a more important source of online news, especially with younger groups. Short news videos are accessed by two-thirds (66%) of our sample each week, with longer formats attracting around half (51%). The main locus of news video consumption is online platforms (72%) rather than publisher websites (22%), increasing the challenges around monetisation and connection.
• Although the platform mix is shifting, the majority continue to identify platforms including social media, search, or aggregators as their main gateway to online news. Across markets, only around a fifth of respondents (22%) identify news websites or apps as their main source of online news – that’s down 10 percentage points on 2018. Publishers in a few Northern European markets have managed to buck this trend, but younger groups everywhere are showing a weaker connection with news brands than they did in the past.
• Turning to the sources that people pay most attention to when it comes to news on various platforms, we find an increasing focus on partisan commentators, influencers, and young news creators, especially on YouTube and TikTok. But in social networks such as Facebook and X, traditional news brands and journalists still tend to play a prominent role.
• Concern about what is real and what is fake on the internet when it comes to online news has risen by 3 percentage points in the last year with around six in ten (59%) saying they are concerned. The figure is considerably higher in South Africa (81%) and the United States (72%), both countries that have been holding elections this year.
• Worries about how to distinguish between trustworthy and untrustworthy content in online platforms is highest for TikTok and X when compared with other online networks. Both platforms have hosted misinformation or conspiracies around stories such as the war in Gaza, and the Princess of Wales’s health, as well as so-called ‘deep fake’ pictures and videos." (Executive summary, page 10)
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"Increased understanding of the root causes, scale, and impact of online harmful content and the effectiveness of the existing frameworks and tools: 10 research reports examining the national legal frameworks governing harmful content [...] Local stakeholders empowered and new cooperation and practi
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cal tools and mechanisms developed to counter harmful content online: 3 National Multistakeholder Coalitions for Content Moderation and Freedom of Expression launched in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) (with 17 stakeholders), Indonesia (with 12 stakeholders), and Kenya (with 30 stakeholders) [...] Enhanced support and promotion of peacebuilding narratives through digital technologies, in particular social media: 194 representatives from 121 Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) trained (60 from 20 CSOs in BiH, 50 from 44 CSOs in Kenya, 31 from 20 CSOs in Indonesia, and 53 from 20 CSOs in Colombia) [...]" (Pages 1-2)
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"El presente libro pretende arrojar luz sobre la importancia de la educación política a partir de hallazgos por parte de una academia crítica y comprometida con la democracia y la paz y desarrollar recomendaciones prácticas para el diseño de la educación política en Colombia. También pretend
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e facilitar un intercambio de experiencias entre el mundo académico y la práctica de Colombia y Alemania y, de esta manera, posibilitar procesos de aprendizaje mutuo y entre disciplinas, así como entre países. De esta manera, el presente libro busca contribuir al objetivo del Instituto Colombo-Alemán para la Paz de fortalecer intercambios académicos en temas relevantes para la construcción de paz en Colombia y más allá de Colombia." (Prefacio)
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"Memorias de un vinilo explora los surcos, las materialidades, los sonidos, las huellas, las voces, las melodías, las letras que se producen en torno al componente educativo de una experiencia comunicativa, comunitaria, organizativa denominada Vokaribe en la ciudad de Barranquilla (Colombia). Aunqu
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e se trata de una historia particular, situada, marcada por las subjetividades de sus protagonistas, esta sistematización hace parte de la historia de tantas experiencias leídas desde el campo de la comunicación educación que es un campo potente y poderoso en nuestro continente. Memorias de un vinilo permite reconocer las formas en las que las personas que deciden emprender caminos para fortalecer vínculos y construir ese “común”, tan esquivo en nuestros días, se terminan inmiscuyendo en dimensiones tan abarcativas de la vida como la educación. El proceso que aquí presentamos constituye el resultado de la sistematización de una experiencia de comunicación comunitaria que en un momento del camino detiene el tornamesa, levanta la aguja, retira el vinilo, lo vuelve a escuchar y observa la forma en que ese objeto ha dejado huella y marca ritmos cotidianos en dimensiones que trascienden sus objetivos inmediatos. Se presenta un relato sobre las formas en que Vokaribe ha producido y produce de forma permanente procesos educativos que son explicitados como un aporte definitivo en la formación de ese Caribe que reconoce como parte y todo de su construcción." (Prefacio)
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"The Palgrave Handbook of Media Misinformation provides a comprehensive and cutting-edge resource on the critical debates surrounding fake news and misinformation online. Spanning all continents and linking academic, journalistic, and educational communities, this collection offers authoritative cov
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erage of conspiracy theories, the post-Trump and Brexit landscape, and the role of big tech in threats to democracy and free speech. The collection moves through a diagnosis of misinformation and its impacts on democracy and civic societies, the 'mainstreaming' of conspiracy theory, the impacts of misinformation on health and science, and the increasing significance of data visualization. Following these diagnoses, the handbook moves to responses from two communities of practice - the world of journalism and the field of media literacy." (Publisher description)
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"The main objective of this research action is to highlight the process of adaptation, validation, and administration of the Indicator of social profitability in communication (Irscom, Indicador de rentabilidad social en comunicación) for the community and indigenous radio sector of Colombia, a cou
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ntry with over 700 community radio stations nationwide, and the first in Latin America/Abya Yala to legalize them. The Irscom, a registered trademark, was created by the LabComAndalucía group of the University of Malaga in 2012. Employing six categories and 33 variables, it reflects the working practice and dynamics of radio stations to achieve their objectives, awarding points subject to weightings and criteria linked to pertinence. A compendium of quantitative (questionnaire, weighting, and rankings) and qualitative methods (focus groups and semi-structured interviews) were applied in its development and administration. The sample for this pilot project (from the Ministry of Culture of Colombia, the Faculty of Communications of the University Minuto de Dios, Bogotá, and LabComAndalucía) consisted of 11 community radio stations, an indigenous community radio station declared to be of public interest, and four community radio networks within the country. The results confirmed that Irscom is an organic tool that, without substantial modifications to the original framework, and although designed for Spain, can be adapted to other international contexts so that different broadcasters may appreciate their strengths and weaknesses. It contributes to holistic reflection on the social profitability of these media within their broadcasting areas. In the short term, Irscom may be extended to other community radio stations in the country. In the medium term, this indicator can help the community and the indigenous sound sector to improve their social profitability and validate their activities with government and institutional agencies to defend their important work of social cohesion and the need for solid sources of financing. It can also contribute to better collective organization by joining interests, with the awarding of the Irscom seal of quality as an endorsement of its implementation and improvements." (Abstract)
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"This text is divided into four chapters. The first chapter describes the characteristics of online public debate in Colombia. It also presents the historical context and details the circumstances in which risky content for democracy and human rights content is published and disseminated in the coun
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try; this usually happens in public discussions associated with the armed conflict, in debates related to current situations that involve discriminated and vulnerable communities, and —mainly— during electoral periods in which smear campaigns against the media and journalists occur and disinformation strategies to manipulate voters develop. The second chapter presents a normative review that clarifies concepts addressed throughout the text and elaborates on international standards on the subject. The third chapter contains the body of the legal framework that describes the current regulations in Colombia to address content that potentially poses risks for democracy and human rights and presents the alternatives for dealing with such content. The fourth chapter analyzes the extent to which this framework is in line with international standards and reflects on the effectiveness of the legal tools to tackle the problem of hate speech and disinformation. In parallel with the development of the conflict and cycles of political violence, Colombian civil society has been striving for decades to advance in peacebuilding. As part of these efforts, it is essential to understand how to promote a broad and robust conversation in digital environments that guarantees diversity of opinions and protects the right of citizens to receive truthful and unbiased information." (Page 5)
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