"National and Regional Internet Governance Forums (NRIs) are the stars of the 2017 Global Information Society Watch. The story of NRIs began two years after the first global IGF held in 2006. In 2008, stakeholders from Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania and Rwanda organised national forums and a subsequent Eas
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t African IGF, to prepare for and discuss common concerns in anticipation of the global forum held later that year in Hyderabad. Soon after, many other national and regional initiatives emerged, impacting the global forum from the bottom up, enhancing inclusiveness and the broad engagement of multiple stakeholders. Today there is widespread agreement that national and regional forums constitute an important part of the IGF process, that their rise has added significance to the global forum and, at the same time, strengthened national and regional initiatives in their quest for inclusive, participatory decision making on their home turf. This GISWatch edition is the first comprehensive look at national and regional IGF initiatives from a critical, civil society perspective. In all, 54 reports are presented, including seven reports addressing cross-cutting themes, 40 covering national IGFs, and seven examining regional initiatives." (Preface)
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"En République démocratique du Congo (RDC), le Web constitue, depuis le dernier mandat constitutionnel du président Joseph Kabila au pouvoir depuis 2001, un espace d’affrontements politiques par le biais des discours religieux, ou par leaders religieux interposés. Alors que le président Kabil
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a a épuisé son dernier mandat constitutionnel, les discours religieux sur Internet sont devenus un outil de mobilisation, si bien qu’ils permettent de distinguer les partisans de l’alternance ou du maintien du gouvernement en place. Les médias numériques ont démontré leur capacité à mobiliser la rue lors des manifestations contre le maintien au pouvoir du président Joseph Kabila entre 2015 et 2017. Les discours religieux sur le Web peuvent jouer, quant à eux, une fonction d’atténuation de la contestation." (Résumé)
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"Als Journalist zu arbeiten bedeutet in der Demokratischen Republik Kongo, sein Leben und seine Berufsethik ständig aufs Spiel zu setzen. Schon ihr Finanzierungsmodell erschwert es den meisten Medien im Land, eine stabile Grundlage ihrer Arbeit zu finden. Allein in der Hauptstadt Kinshasa gibt es n
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icht weniger als 80 gedruckte Zeitungen und etwa 50 Fernseh- und Radiosender, die entweder Politikern oder den Kirchen gehören. Das durchschnittliche Einkommen der Journalisten liegt bei umgerechnet hundert US-Dollar im Monat - wenn sie denn bezahlt werden." (Seite 22)
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"When Jennifer Bakody steps off the plane in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in 2004, she walks right into the hardest and most inspiring job an idealistic young journalist from Nova Scotia could ever imagine. Six years of war involving eight countries and several million deaths have just ended
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in a ceasefire. A week later, Bakody finds herself two thousand kilometres up the Congo River in the heart of the jungle, managing a small UN-backed radio station. Welcome to Radio Okapi Kindu. Welcome, too, to its team of hard-working local reporters determined to cover the country's rapid march towards elections. One day rebel soldiers are walking out of the jungle and handing in their weapons; the next the station is airing comedy sketches and messages asking after missing people. When a public lynching is followed by an outbreak of violence, Bakody begins to realize how little she understands Congolese politics–and how little she has at stake compared to her colleagues, several of whom will die in the next decade. Maintaining the rigour of Radio Okapi's editorial line suddenly seems like a matter of life and death. Can one small station known as the "frequency of peace" stand the strain? Radio Okapi Kindu is a touching memoir of a young journalist's coming of age and a love song to a poor but astonishingly beautiful country recovering from six years of war." (Publisher description)
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"Ce manuel a pour but d’accompagner les missions d’observation électorale dans leur mission de surveillance des contenus médiatiques et des discours politiques, la qualité du discours des acteurs politiques et le comportement des médias dans une période clé de la vie démocratique. Il donn
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e également les outils nécessaires pour la surveillance d’accès équitable aux médias pour l’ensemble des candidats tant au niveau quantitatif qu’au niveau qualitatif. Au-delà du manuel et de l’observation électorale, l’objectif est de permettre aux médias de pouvoir mieux jouer leur rôle d’éducation civique et de servir d’espace public d’expression démocratique en République Démocratique du Congo." (Site web Internews.org)
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"This volume examines the lived experiences of Africans and their interaction with different kinds of media: old and new, state and private, elite and popular, global and national, material and virtual. By offering a comparative, critical and largely qualitative account of audiences and users across
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a range of national contexts in different regions of Africa, the book examines media through the voices and perspectives of those engaging with it rather than reducing audiences and users to numbers and statistics, ready to be exploited as potential target markets or as political constituencies. The critical, qualitative research perspective adopted in this book enables us to gain a better understanding of how African viewers, listeners and users make sense of a range of media forms; what role these play in their everyday lives and what audience and user engagement can tell us about how citizens perceive the state, how they imagine themselves in the wider world and how they relate to each other. The book argues that the experiences of audiences and engagements of users with a range of media—newspapers, radio, television, magazines, internet, mobile phones, social media—are always grounded in particular contexts, worldviews and knowledge systems of life and wisdom: ‘It is akin to the tortoise. The tortoise never leaves its shell behind. It carries it wherever it goes’ (Chivaura 2006: 221). African media audiences and users carry their contexts and cultural repertoires in the same way a tortoise carries its shell. Thus far, the bulk of academic research on media and communication in Africa has addressed the policy and regulatory aspects as well as the relation between media institutions and the state (Willems 2014a). While studies on media, democratization and press freedom are invaluable, the ways in which ordinary people make sense of, and relate to, media in their everyday lives are largely left beyond consideration. As Barber (1997: 357) has pointed out, ‘[w]hat has not yet been sufficiently explored is the possibility that specific African audiences have distinctive, conventional modes and styles of making meaning, just as performers/speakers do. We need to ask how audiences do their work of interpretation’." (Page 4)
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"Does social influence exerted through role modeling of collective action impact social change in contexts that are not conducive to collective action, such as long-lasting violent conflicts? We examined this question in two field experiments in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. We created t
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wo versions of an episode of an existing media intervention (a show aiming to promote positive social change), in which fictional characters either planned collective action (role modeling condition), or did not plan action (control condition) to address grievances. In Study 1, role modeling affected individual-level outcomes: it increased perceived collective efficacy and willingness to take action, but exacerbated intergroup attitudes and reduced tolerance. Study 2 tested the influence of role modeling on a group-level outcome (group discussions). Discussions following the role modeling show focused less on grievances, and included more positive lessons of the show, as well as more statements about collective efficacy and collective action. The findings highlight the influence of role modeling of collective action through media on efficacy and action for social change, but caution against unintended consequences on intergroup attitudes." (Abstract)
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"Nigerian researcher Jacob Udo-Udo Jacob compares the impact on people in the Kivu provinces of eastern DR Congo of United Nations Stabilization Mission in the DR Congo (MONUSCO) communication programmes encouraging militia to return to the country and Radio Okapi’s informative debate programme 'D
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ialogue between Congolese' at a time, between 2008 and 2010, when Fondation Hirondelle was co-managing that radio station with the UN. He concluded that the UN communication programmes provoked emotional reactions that were not very favourable, while 'Dialogue between Congolese' gave its listeners a better understanding of the political situation and a sense of collective responsibility to resolve the conflict." (Sacha Meuter, Legal adviser and research coordinator at Fondation Hirondelle, in News from Fondation Hirondelle, Nr.54, Winter 2017-2018, page 2)
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"Many individuals were involved in the Belgian Congo's attainment of independence. Born in 1931, Mwissa Camus, the dean of Congolese journalists, is one of them. Even though he was opposed to this idea and struggled to maintain his status as member of a certain ‘elite’, his career sheds light on
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the advancement of his country towards independence in June 1960. By following his professional career in the years preceding independence, we can see how his development illuminates the emergence of journalism in the Congo, the social position of Congolese journalists, and the ambivalence of their position towards the emancipation process. The road taken by Mwissa Camus – as an actor, witness, extra, and somehow instrument of the events that shook his country – helps understand the Congo's move towards independence from a particular perspective. History – that of a hurried independence, blatantly unprepared, on which a small elite failed to agree – is revealed through his words and the unveiling of his ‘world.’ This article is essentially based on interviews with Mwissa Camus and on Congolese newspaper articles from 1959, 1960 and 1961." (Abstract)
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"This article argues that when it comes to reporting conflicts in the developing world the western press ignores the private sphere of economic activity because it privileges a narrative of people fighting over the nation state, as well as political ideologies and territory gained and lost. This cho
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ice of media framing matters in how western audiences understand the complexity of resource wars. To explore this concept further I examine American and British press coverage of conflict diamonds in the civil wars fought in Angola, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Sierra Leone in the pages of four western newspapers of record: The Guardian (UK), The Times (UK), the New York Times (US) and the Washington Post (US). Overall, while conflict diamonds were present in the reporting, the press ignored the full extent of involvement of private companies and international capital in the financing and trading of diamonds to fuel war." (Abstract)
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"For several years, local radio stations in Uganda have broadcast “come home” messages that encourage the rebel Lord’s Resistance Army to demobilize. Since the rebels began carrying out attacks in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Central African Republic, several international actors h
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ave introduced the same messages to these regions. This new effort has internationalized radio programming, benefited local radio stations, provided new forms of messaging, and functioned in collaboration with military actors. This article provides an overview of how “come home” messaging functions in different contexts, examines the effects of these actions, and calls for research into an important shift in military–humanitarian relations." (Abstract)
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"Burundi: even in very difficult situations, SDC partners managed to identify entry points and continue their work. Networking with international media as a source of information is very crucial in such situations. Policy dialogue is also important to work on issues that divide the government and me
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Rwanda: The coaching in situ has so far led to tangible results. However, building capacity and working on the mindset are still needed. The culture of the leader/chief is very strong and weighs strongly on the quality of media work. The economic progress of the country has not had impact on the financial health of media houses. When funding media, it is very important to aim at transformation (transformative funding).
DRC: diversity of media does not necessarily mean diversified information. Professionalization of media is very much needed. Social ownership of community radios would be very useful in increasing access to information, citizen’s engagement and propensity to hold the leaders accountable
Tanzania: on one hand, involving media actors in policy dialogue on legal/policy issues and not dealing them directly with the government has proved very effective (SDC ‘s support to local stakeholders ’actions in policy dialogue on specific issues has been very successful). On the other, at operational level, static framework can hinder effectiveness. The context is constantly changing. This requires flexibility from SDC and calls for embedding learning processes in the programme, having joint reviews annually and adjusting based on lessons learned." (Lessons learned, page 13)
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"Poor-quality data about conflict events can hinder humanitarian responses and bias academic research. There is increasing recognition of the role that new information technologies can play in producing more reliable data faster. We piloted a novel data-gathering system in the Democratic Republic of
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Congo in which villagers in a set of randomly selected communities report on events in real time via short message service. We first describe the data and assess its reliability. We then examine the usefulness of such ‘‘crowdseeded’’ data in two ways. First, we implement a downstream experiment on aid and conflict and find evidence that aid can lead to fewer conflict events. Second, we examine conflict diffusion in Eastern Congo and find evidence that key dynamics operate at very micro levels. Both applications highlight the benefit of collecting conflict data via cell phones in real time." (Abstract)
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"L’approfondissement des pratiques démocratiques dans les pays étudiés passe non seulement par le renforcement des capacités des médias et des journalistes, pour qu’ils puissent s’emparer pleinement des outils numériques, mais aussi par la montée en puissance d’un grand nombre de nouv
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eaux acteurs citoyens qui ont déjà montré, notamment lors de rendezvous électoraux, le rôle positif qu’ils pouvaient jouer. Les enjeux liés à la qualité et à la diversité de l’information disponible dans ces pays, à la transparence de l’action publique et à la redevabilité des institutions, sont intimement liés à l’existence d’un écosystème structuré qui englobe des journalistes, des blogueurs, des développeurs informatiques, des représentants d’administrations publiques, des spécialistes des données ou de la cartographie, des membres d’OSC ou d’ONG, etc. Accompagner ces acteurs citoyens d’Afrique dans le développement d’un espace public ouvert, pluriel, participatif et bien informé constitue aujourd’hui un défi à plusieurs dimensions : Contribuer à l’amélioration de l’accès à l’information (et donc, à l’accès à l’internet); Sensibiliser aux enjeux de la société numérique et de la participation citoyenne; Soutenir les acteurs de l’information et de la donnée au service du débat public; Structurer des réseaux nationaux/internationaux et d’éco-systèmes locaux d’acteurs citoyens; Développer une culture de la donnée publique ouverte et des usages que l’on peut en faire." (Conclusion, page 38)
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"[...] la présente brochure analyse le cadre juridique dans lequel s’inscrit la collaboration du pouvoir judiciaire avec les autres structures institutionnelles et non institutionnelles engagées dans le domaine de la liberté de la presse. Elle explique ensuite l’importance de l’information,
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d’une information indépendante et plurale dans le renforcement de la démocratie et dans la construction des Etats de droit. Examinons, dans un premier temps, le cadre juridique qui régit la liberté de la presse en RDC ainsi que la réforme qui est en cours pour réformer et adapter ledit cadre au contexte national." (Introduction, page 12)
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"The 45 country reports gathered here illustrate the link between the internet and economic, social and cultural rights (ESCRs). Some of the topics will be familiar to information and communications technology for development (ICT4D) activists: the right to health, education and culture; the socioec
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onomic empowerment of women using the internet; the inclusion of rural and indigenous communities in the information society; and the use of ICT to combat the marginalisation of local languages. Others deal with relatively new areas of exploration, such as using 3D printing technology to preserve cultural heritage, creating participatory community networks to capture an “inventory of things” that enables socioeconomic rights, crowdfunding rights, or the negative impact of algorithms on calculating social benefits. Workers’ rights receive some attention, as does the use of the internet during natural disasters. Ten thematic reports frame the country reports. These deal both with overarching concerns when it comes to ESCRs and the internet – such as institutional frameworks and policy considerations – as well as more specific issues that impact on our rights: the legal justification for online education resources, the plight of migrant domestic workers, the use of digital databases to protect traditional knowledge from biopiracy, digital archiving, and the impact of multilateral trade deals on the international human rights framework. The reports highlight the institutional and country-level possibilities and challenges that civil society faces in using the internet to enable ESCRs. They also suggest that in a number of instances, individuals, groups and communities are using the internet to enact their socioeconomic and cultural rights in the face of disinterest, inaction or censure by the state." (Back cover)
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