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National Communication Strategy for Maternal, Newborn and Child Health 2011-16

Kathmandu: Government of Nepal, Ministry of Health and Population, National Health Education Information Communication Centre (2011), 71 pp.

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Les séries télévisées dans l’éducation sur le VIH: Atteindre les populations grâce au divertissement populaire
Inspiring Practice

Stuart Adams

Eschborn: Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) (2011), 40 pp.

"Se rangeant parmi les cinq plus grands donateurs d’aide publique au développement (APD), l'Allemagne est fortement engagée dans la lutte pour un accès universel à la prévention, au traitement et à la prise en charge du VIH. Une bonne partie des contributions allemandes est accordée sous fo ... rme de soutien financier et technique à la communication pour le changement de comportement (CCC), souvent associée au marketing social de préservatifs. Cette publication étudie en détail plusieurs projets dans le cadre desquels l'Allemagne a apporté un soutien à la production et à la diffusion de séries télévisées comme composantes clés de la CCC dans trois pays confrontés à des situations épidémiologiques très différentes. Au Kirghizistan, l'épidémie est largement concentrée parmi les consommateurs de drogues injectables (CDI), pour la plupart des hommes jeunes, mais touche aussi des professionnelles du sexe. L'épidémie s’étend rapidement, et l’on craint qu'elle ne se propage davantage dans la population en général. Diffusée pour la première fois en 2006, la série « Love as a Test » avait pour but de sensibiliser les spectateurs au fait que le VIH ne concerne pas uniquement « les autres », mais peut facilement toucher chaque individu ainsi que ses proches, et qu’il est possible d’agir pour éviter sa propagation et en limiter les dommages. En République dominicaine, les taux de prévalence du VIH sont extrêmement élevés chez les Haïtiens de souche vivant dans les bateyes (campements attenant aux plantations de canne à sucre), dans les zones rurales et dans les bidonvilles. Diffusée pour la première fois en 2007, « Amor de Batey » avait pour but de promouvoir l'utilisation régulière et correcte de préservatifs peu coûteux mais fiables, de renforcer l’autonomie des femmes, d'améliorer leur santé et de limiter la mortalité infantile. En Côte d'Ivoire, les taux de prévalence du VIH sont élevés dans l’ensemble du pays, mais beaucoup plus importants chez les femmes que chez les hommes. Cela est notamment dû à la pratique courante des relations sexuelles multiples et concomitantes et aux faibles niveaux d'éducation et de connaissances en matière de santé sexuelle et reproductive. Diffusée pour la première fois en 1994, « Sida dans la Cité » avait des objectifs similaires à ceux de « Amor de Batey ». La première série a rencontré un tel succès qu'elle a été suivie d'une deuxième diffusée en 1996-1997, puis d'une troisième diffusée en 2003. Les trois séries ont connu une grande popularité dans tous les pays francophones d'Afrique de l’Ouest et d'Afrique centrale. Cette publication retrace la genèse de chacune de ces séries, en présente un bref synopsis, résume les résultats des évaluations formelles qui en ont été faites et fournit des appréciations plus informelles. Elle tire ensuite des conclusions et constate que les séries télévisées peuvent apporter des contributions très utiles à la lutte contre le VIH au niveau national. Les séries qui remportent le plus de succès sont basées sur de solides recherches, reflètent les réalités de la vie telles qu’elles sont vécues par les publics cibles et sont réalisées de manière très professionnelle, leur assurant à la fois un haut niveau de divertissement et une grande efficacité comme outil éducatif." (Résumé, page 5) more

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Internetzensur in China: Aufbau und Grenzen des Chinesischen Kontrollsystems

Kim-Björn Becker

Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften (2011), 246 pp.

"Eine Serie von Fallstudien – unter anderem zur Funktion von Blogs und Microblogs als „bottom- up journalism“ und zu Aktivitätsfeldern des chinesischen „hacktivism“ – verdeutlicht, welches Potenzial politischer Mobilisierung auch im chinesischen Kontext in der internetbasierten Kommunik ... more

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Environmental Journalism in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan: Reporting Scarce Amid Environmental and Media Problems

Eric Freedman

Applied Environmental Education & Communication, volume 10, issue 2 (2011), pp. 126-134

"Independence for the former Soviet republics of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan in Central Asia has not led to press freedom, solutions to pressing environmental problems, or development of effective grassroots nongovernmental organizations. This article examines relations between journalists and environ ... more

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Follow-up Study: Children in Bangladesh News Media

Dhaka: Management and Resources Development Initiative (MRDI) (2011), 169 pp.

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Human Rights and Media

Diana Papademas (ed.)

Bingley: Emerald Publishing (2011), xiv, 223 pp.

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Netzpolitik aus internationaler Perspektive: Länderberichte aus den USA, Großbritannien, Spanien, Polen, Indien und Korea

Tobias Wangermann, Helmut Reifeld (eds.)

Sankt Augustin; Berlin: Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS) (2011), 114 pp.

"Die Forderung nach Sicherheit im Internet, besonders in Hinblick auf die persönlichen Daten, die Gewährung der Freiheit dieses Mediums ohne staatliche Eingriffe, die Diskussion um adäquate Formen des Urheberrechts und seiner Durchsetzung sowie eine Fokussierung auf die Risiken verbunden mit eine ... more

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La política de Internet desde una perspectiva internacional: Seis informes nacionales

Tobias Wangermann, Helmut Reifeld (eds.)

Sankt Augustin; Berlin: Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS) (2011), 108 pp.

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New Developments in Central Asian Mass Media Research

Eric Freedman, Richard Shafer

Central Asia and the Caucasus, volume 12, issue 4 (2011), pp. 128-143

"This wide range of contemporary mass media research illustrates how Central Asia press outlets remain tightly controlled and manipulated, first under the czars, then under the Soviets, and now under authoritarian regimes. Over the past two decades, the press systems have not achieved even minimal d ... emocratization and independence by international standards. Perhaps the Internet and other technologies will have a better chance of circumventing censors and the economic obstacles that deny the great mass of Central Asians the ability to participate in a useful dialog leading to more transparent and participatory governance. Several overarching observations emerge from this synthesized examination of recent research. The five separate press systems that replaced the single Soviet system share many commonalities, although significant differences also exist. These studies indicate varying but not decisive degrees of external influences from multi-governmental entities, media-building foundations, and promoters of civil society; such influences on Central Asian media development originate with mostly Western-based journalism and mass media trainers. Another observation concerns regimes’ use and abuse of laws to control information about public affairs and public issues. That pattern evident from several studies reflects a disconnect between constitutional and statutory guarantees of press freedom on one side and actual threats to those guarantees on the other side due to libel and “honor and dignity” suits, criminal prosecutions, and tightening regulation of the Internet. Examined collectively, these studies suggest the following obstacles to democratic and independent media development in Central Asia: strict governmental and extra-governmental restraints on the press, regardless of the type of medium—print, broadcast, or Internet; inadequate professional training, leadership, resources, financial incentives, and ethical standards for journalists and prospective journalists; limitations on the ability of domestic and international press and human rights defenders to compel changes in policies and laws; insufficient market resources to create and sustain independent news organizations; and a resulting lack of credibility and public trust in the press." (Summary and conclusions, page 142) more

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Media Policy Paradigm Shift in Turkey: Rethinking Neo-Authoritarian Media Systems in the Age of Neo Liberalism

Serhat Ahmet Kaymas

Acta Universitatis Danubius. Communicatio, volume 5, issue 1 (2011), pp. 40-69

"This article has aimed to open a discussion on the rethinking a neo authoritarian media system in the age of neo liberalism as a case of Turkey’s media experiences. In this context, this study deals with the media policy paradigm shift in the Republic of Turkey since 1980s. According to a recent ... report of the European Journalism Centre (2010:4); although in the wake of a recent democratization wave in the country, there have been some positive elements in the media such as sporadic emergence of some critical perspectives even in some notoriously biased media outlets, which may change this bleak picture, the structural factors which shape the media practices (ownership concentration, working conditions of the journalist, etc) are too rigid and therefore it is too early to become optimistic. In this context, some aspects of these democratization processes are taken from the candidacy of European Union. Despite these positive developments in the doorstep of the European Union, Turkey’s media experience is heavily based on ownership structure and journalistic routines are far away from the democratic media system. Therefore, Turkey’s media experiences are characterised as a sample of neo authoritarian media system with ongoing media policy transformations, for instance privatization of media companies as much as possible, breaking monopolies and the fundamental change of the public broadcasting service is in the context of media policy. This observable change depends on the two overlapping development in Turkey’s democracy. On the one hand, the landscape of national media spaces has been affected by the political and economical conditions; especially after the two financial crashes (in 2000 and 2001) Turkey’s media has followed a re-structure by means of ownership and control. On the other hand, Turkey’s media experiences have been affected by governmental changes. Before the economic crises Turkey’s democracy was governed by a coalition and after the economic crises Turkey’s government changed by the national elections in 2002. Thus this article seeks to answer two interrelated questions: Where does press freedom stand in Turkey decades after the Justice and Development Party’s policies began? And what does Turkey’s media transformation tell us about our understanding of mass political media systems? In this study by using comparative analysis, and incorporating political science literature that offers typologies of non democratic systems of governance, this article demonstrates that contemporary Turkey’s media find much in common with authoritarian regimes across the world and are not sui generis as some have argued." (Abstract) more

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Encyclopedia of Social Movement Media
Top Insights

John D. H. Downing (ed.)

Thousand Oaks; London; New Delhi; Singapore: Sage (2011), xxvii, 602 pp.

"This one-volume encyclopedia features around 250 essays on the varied experiences of social movement media over the planet in the 20th and 21st centuries [...] The guiding principles have been to ensure that experiences from the global South are given voice; that women are properly represented amon ... more

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People, Politics and Change: Building Communication Capacity for Governance Reform
Key Guidance

Cecilia Cabañero-Verzosa, Helen R. Garcia (eds.)

Washington, DC: World Bank (2011), viii, 465 pp.

"This is an applied facilitator’s guide for reform managers, change agents, development practitioners, and training professionals who need to use smart communication techniques—the relevant concepts, frameworks and applications—to promote change through governance reform. It is grounded on the ... more

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Pera Natin ‘To! Citizen Action for Good Governance

Red Batario (ed.)

Quezon City: Philippine Public Transparency Reporting Project (PPTRP) (2011), 154 pp.

"The starting point of PPTRP has been that real and lasting transparency and accountability are best built from the ground up piece by piece and by ordinary people taking their responsibilities as citizens seriously. It is one of the reasons we subtitled the project and website “Pera Natin ‘to!� ... �� (It’s Our Money!). We wanted to help build public ownership in the issue. Our concern was – and remains still today – that changes introduced at the top by one administration – can so easily be taken away by another unless that change is deeply rooted in the ground and in its people. So we believed- and still believe – that real sustainable change in governance comes only from active and continual participation of citizens. It needs action and engagement at both the national and local level. It needs groups, sectors and communities finding new ways of coming and working together to develop new ideas and build new constituencies and avenues for change. It needs to involve and energise all those hundreds of thousands of honest and professional civil servants across the country who for way too long have quietly despaired going to work each day given the failure of leadership in their own departments and agencies. All this required and still requires a combined response that uses new thinking and approaches. It required first and foremost the start of a public literacy campaign around public finances since citizens cannot ever hope to adequately monitor or engage in things that they don’t understand. So it was that we built our project equally around information, education, training, capacity building, networking, advocacy and campaigns. So it was that we worked with people’s organizations, civil society groups, media and ordinary members of the public at one and the same time. We figured that everybody had a role to play in building and securing transparency and accountability – and so everybody should get involved. We started work on a website full of the basics – (www.transparencyreporting.net) accessible and easy to understand information about all aspects of public finance. We assumed little – partly because we knew little ourselves and were learning on the job as we went. We wrote, commissioned and edited material designed to give readers a sense of understanding about how public finances, systems and cycles worked and what kind of issues and problems there were. We tried to identify how and where money was raised and how it was allocated and spent and why and by whom. Invariably it comes down to money. If you can follow the money, you can find the problems and perhaps even help suggest some solutions. We developed training modules too – modules aimed equally at journalists and activists and ordinary members of the public. And we toured around the Philippines going north and as far south as Tawi-Tawi where we were told few groups ever venture. We encouraged people to report allegations of corruption – but equally we sought out instances of where government was working well and deserved highlighting. It is easy to be negative – but far better to be critically constructive. We received many more allegations than we could investigate – in large part because sources were scared even to follow up and meet with us in confidence. Protection for whistle-blowers remains very much a pressing issue today that needs sorting ... While all projects must by necessity always remain above the political fray, we were naturally delighted that as things turned out, the new incoming administration made improving transparency and accountability a primary goal. When an initiative finds itself working in support of government policy, it is always easier. So we were delighted to see the issue of political abuse of public projects taken up as were the appointment of some leading proponents of open government to key positions in the administration. We were very fortunate also for the chance to work closely with officials in several key departments and on various initiatives linked to the national budget. [...] Perhaps one key achievement we might be remembered for, alongside the website which will remain as hopefully a useful resource for those wanting to learn more about public sector finances -- is having set up four local citizen watchdog groups that demonstrate how easy and important it is for ordinary people to get involved and play their part. We hope more groups can follow their lead. People power needs to be much more than a slogan and become a way of life." (Introduction, page 16-19) more

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Analyzing Taliban Taranas (chants): An Effective Afghan Propaganda Artifact

Thomas H. Johnson, Ahmad Waheed

Small Wars & Insurgencies, volume 22, issue 1 (2011), pp. 3-31

"This article describes and analyzes a little understood Afghan Taliban propaganda tool: chants or taranas. These melodic refrains effectively use historical narratives, symbology, and iconic portraits. The chants are engendered in emotions of sorrow, pride, desperation, hope, and complaints to mobi ... more

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The Practice of Public Diplomacy: Confronting Challenges Abroad

William A. Rugh

New York: Palgrave Macmillan (2011), xviii, 262 pp.

"Relying heavily on scores of first-hand accounts collected through interviews, the studies examine the practice of public diplomacy largely from the perspective of American practitioners in different countries. The analyses follow the standard field officer approach, asking systematically: what iss ... more

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Assessment of Media Development in Timor Leste: Based on UNESCO's Media Development Indicators

Toby Mendel

Paris: UNESCO (2011), 45 pp.

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Political Polling in Asia-Pacific

Alastair Carthew, Simon Winkelmann (eds.)

Singapore: Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS) (2011), 117 pp.

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Turkish Journalists and Ethical Self-Reflection Through Online Training

Mine Gencel Bek

In: Journalism Education, Training and Employment

Bob Franklin; Donica Mensing (eds.)

New York; London: Routledge (2011), pp. 112-129

"This chapter examines whether training Turkish journalists using online training modules offered by the BBC, increased their awareness of ethical editorial issues. It also discusses the potential, as well as the obstacles, for establishing more democratic forms of journalism. The chapter begins by ... more

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A News Portal Without a News Team: Journalistic and Marketing Logics at the Malaysian National News Agency

Amira Firdaus

In: Making Online News, Vol. 2: Newsroom Ethnographies in the Second Decade of Internet Journalism

David Domingo; Chris Paterson (eds.)

New York et al.: Peter Lang (2011), pp. 141-150

"The internet has offered national news agencies the opportunity to extend the reach of their services to non-media consumers. This chapeter analyzes the case of BERNAMA, highlighting the tensions between journalism and marketing in the process of blurring the traditional definitions of news agency ... more

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De-Westernizing Communication Research: Altering Questions and Changing Frameworks

Georgette Wang (ed.)

London et al.: Routledge (2011), 288 pp.

"The rise of postmodern theories and pluralist thinking has paved the way for multicultural approaches to communication studies and now is the time for decentralization, de-Westernization, and differentiation. This trend is reflected in the increasing number of communication journals with a national ... more

Les séries télévisées dans l’éducation sur le VIH: Atteindre les populations grâce au divertissement populaire Inspiring Practice

Encyclopedia of Social Movement Media Top Insights

People, Politics and Change: Building Communication Capacity for Governance Reform Key Guidance

Les séries télévisées dans l’éducation sur le VIH: Atteindre les populations grâce au divertissement populaire
Inspiring Practice

Encyclopedia of Social Movement Media
Top Insights

People, Politics and Change: Building Communication Capacity for Governance Reform
Key Guidance