"This book explores the relationship between the safety of journalists and self-censorship practices around the world, including local case studies and regional and international perspectives. Bringing together scholars and practitioners from around the globe, Journalist Safety and Self-Censorship p
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rovides new and updated insights into patterns of self-censorship and free speech, focusing on a variety of factors that affect these issues, including surveillance, legislation, threats, violent conflict, gender-related stereotypes, digitisation and social media. The contributions examine topics such as trauma, risk and self-censorship among journalists in different regions of the world, including Central America, Estonia, Turkey, Uganda and Pakistan. The book also provides conceptual clarity to the notion of journalist self-censorship, and explores the question of how self-censorship may be studied empirically." (Publisher description)
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"[Der Autor] skizziert die Filmgeschichte in 13 Kapiteln, die jeweils eine Dekade beleuchten. Pro Kapitel legt er das Hauptaugenmerk auf filmgeschichtliche Besonderheiten aus den USA, Europa und Deutschland. Auch auf globale Phänomene geht er ein, etwa aus Asien, Südamerika oder Afrika. Wichtige f
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ilmwissenschaftliche Begriffe aus den Dekaden erklärt er am Kapitelende. Dort finden sich auch Tipps zu sehenswerten Filmen aus der Zeit." (Buchrücken)
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"Drawing upon ethnographic investigation, this article analyses the digital media practices of second-generation British Somali women who live in London. It addresses the dynamic relationships between digital media and diasporic identity formation by focusing on how second-generation women articulat
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e their diasporic urban and transnational identities via youth-oriented online cultural spaces. It demonstrates that they use the internet and social media platforms to position themselves as urban dwellers in London and members of the global Somali diaspora at the same time. In this context, the author proposes that these young women’s digital practices create a translocal nexus that intertwines urban and transnational social fields in line with their gendered and generation-specific experiences and aspirations. Through this translocal nexus, these young women produce multilayered identities and negotiate their multiple belongings with a youth-oriented perspective and style in a digitally interconnected world." (Abstract)
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"In this article, I inquire into the relationship between digital media practices, community making and forms of social stratification among Somali women living in Rome. Drawing on a critical approach to the study of 'digital diaspora', I use theories of 'field' and 'capitals' as analytical tools to
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examine the impact of different positionings assumed by Somali women within the local community on forms of diasporic networking through digital means. The relationality between offline and online reality is exposed, unpacking women's positioning and roles through an intersectional approach sensitive to age, class, literacy and gender dynamics. This reveals internal fractures or forms of solidarity shaping the landscape of the local field of Somali digital diaspora." (Abstract)
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"This article addresses how Somali women from the Netherlands participate in digital diaspora formation. It specifically takes the lens of ‘diasporic mothering’ understood as a site where difference and belonging are negotiated through work of cultural reproduction, collective identity construct
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ion and stable homemaking. I first analytically distinguish between two generations of Somali women on the basis of their arrival trajectory and their socio-economic background at the time of their living in Somalia. Second, by foregrounding Somali women’s lived experiences, I show how their participation in diaspora formation is shaped by both mothering practices, and local and national Dutch policy approaches to migration. Last, I argue that the specificities of the local and national Dutch context favours rather physical and neighbourhood-based diaspora encounters, while de-centring the role of digital media in the initial formation of diaspora networks." (Abstract)
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"Eine Auswahl der Test-Ergebnisse im Überblick:
1) Unterschiede zwischen Desinformation, Information, Werbung und Meinung wer den zum Teil nur schwer erkannt [...]
2) Ob eine Quelle vertrauenswürdig ist, wird oft richtig eingeschätzt. Interessens konflikte werden seltener erkannt [...]
3) Kennzei
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chnungsstrategien von Social-Media-Plattformen zu Desinformationen bisher kaum wirksam [...]
4) Menschen zweifeln an Unabhängigkeit des Journalismus von der Politik [...]
5) Knapp die Hälfte besteht den Test, nur 22 % der Befragten erreichen insgesamt hohe Kompetenzwerte [...]
6) Jüngere Generationen kompetenter als Ältere – allerdings abhängig vom Bildungsabschluss [...]
7) Digitale Nachrichtenkompetenz hängt auch mit demokratischer Grundhaltung zusammen [...]
8) Besonders bei AfD-Anhänger:innen digitale Nachrichtenkompetenz niedrig [...]
Zusammenfassung: Die Gesamtauswertung der Daten zeigt: Internetnutzer:innen verfügen bereits über einige Grundkenntnisse, um nachrichtenkompetent durch ein für viele Menschen vergleichsweise neues Medienumfeld zu navigieren. So konnte beispielsweise mehr als die Hälfte der Befragten erkennen, wenn eine Quelle nicht neutral oder nicht ver trauenswürdig ist. Und den Meisten war klar, dass man ein unbekanntes Video nicht ungesehen weiterleiten sollte. Überhaupt zeigten die Test-Teilnehmer:innen ein gro ßes Interesse daran, akkurate Informationen zu teilen bzw. Falschnachrichten nicht selbst zu verbreiten. Doch all das sollte nicht darüber hinwegtäuschen, dass die Befragten insgesamt in fast allen Kompetenz-Bereichen überwiegend mittelmäßig bis schlecht abgeschnit ten haben und es oft an ganz konkreten Kenntnissen und Fähigkeiten fehlt. Insofern sind die Ergebnisse dieser Erhebung auch kritisch, weil sie zeigen, dass Bürger:in nen viel zu lange damit allein gelassen wurden, sich in immer komplexeren Medien umgebungen selbst zurecht zu finden." ((Executive Summary, Seiten 4-7)
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"This article focuses on international news channels in the Global South and the perceptions by audiences in Latin America. Designed with the intention of re-shaping global narratives, international broadcasting is considered instrumental to public diplomacy and improving the image of particular cou
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ntries. While many studies focus on global media policies of specific countries or the messages broadcast by international media outlets, less attention has been paid to the impact on audiences. Based on a series of focus groups conducted in Mexico and Argentina, this article discusses how Latin American audiences perceive public diplomacy efforts as channelled by international news media and their effect on country image perception, by focusing on China’s CCTV-E, Russia’s RT and Iran’s HispanTV. The findings show that preconceived images contribute to undermine the acceptance of international broadcasters. In addition, participants were optimistic about RT’s prospects of success in Latin America, hesitant about HispanTV and pessimistic about China Central Television." (Abstract)
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"In terms of quality of media coverage, there are various outcomes: In Asia, for example, small and independent outlets, able to provide reliable information, gained momentum, whereas citizens in the MENA-region turned to social media in search of trustworthy facts on the coronavirus. In South-Easte
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rn Europe, pseudo-journalism and fake news spread mainly via the Internet, while in sub-Saharan Africa innovative formats emerged, which also enhanced the quality of reporting. In many regions and countries, not least in Germany, demand for factbased, reliable reporting increased, offering an opportunity for quality-oriented media to regain audiences’ trust. The economic situation is difficult for almost all media outlets worldwide, although there are some differences. In Central and Eastern Europe, for example, pro-government media continued to benefit from state-sponsored advertising, while other media suffered even more acute drops in revenue. In many regions, media outlets expanded their online presence to partly compensate these losses by introducing additional paywalls, as was the case in the US, for example. In Latin America, many news outlets had to reduce their staff shortly after the outbreak of COVID-19 due to a shortfall in revenues. Small, independent outlets in Asia and Central Eastern Europe could raise their income through an increase in memberships or subscriptions. In Central Eastern Europe, especially younger generations acknowledged that quality journalism requires financing, while in Southeast Europe, it is still uncommon to pay for online media consumption, which is a setback for independent online journalism." (At a glance, page 2-3)
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"Looking at media involvement in Africa, one can only state that the continent is more important than ever. Next to traditional actors like the BBC or Radio France International, and to a smaller extent of Deutsche Welle or Radio Swiss International, there are new players. They do not seem to have t
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he same agendas as the older ones, but they bring about new versions of journalism, of attempted influence and propaganda. What differentiates them is, in the case of China, that funds do not seem to matter much. In the case of Turkey, that more and more scholarships are being offered and when it comes to Russia, that old alliances of the USSR in the Cold War are being reactivated. What separates them even further from the old players are the values that they stand for and try to propagate. They are offering a journalism that praises their own autocratic models of rule and, in the case of China in particular, they promote a positive journalism, that does not ask uneasy questions, a journalism that does not offend or hurt, but that usually pleases the powers-that-be." (Foreword)
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"Die Medieninhaltsanalysen in Kapitel 2 zeigen, dass Entwicklungspolitik absolut und anteilig betrachtet in den Medien nur eine geringe Rolle spielt. Während der ersten Monate der Corona-Pandemie Anfang 2020 ging die Aufmerksamkeit, die TV-Nachrichten und Beiträge in Printmedien auf das Themenfeld
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richteten, weiter zurück. Auf Twitter konnte dieser negative Trend allerdings nicht beobachtet werden. Insgesamt legen die Ergebnisse nahe, dass die mediale Berichterstattung nicht dazu führen dürfte, dass die Bevölkerung dem Thema Entwicklungspolitik große Aufmerksamkeit schenkt. Die Themenfelder, an die entwicklungspolitische Inhalte anknüpfen, variieren zwischen den untersuchten Mediengattungen. Flucht und Migration spielen jedoch in allen drei Gattungen (TV, Print, Twitter) eine wichtige Rolle. In TV-Nachrichten der öffentlich-rechtlichen Sender und in Zeitungsartikeln wird Entwicklungspolitik häufig im Zusammenhang mit Krieg und Konflikt erwähnt. Auf Twitter tritt Entwicklungspolitik häufig mit Bezug zu Klimawandel und Epidemien auf. Dabei befasst sich die Berichterstattung in TV-Nachrichten und Printmedien hauptsächlich mit staatlichen und internationalen politischen Akteuren. Akteure aus dem zivilgesellschaftlichen Bereich sind hingegen stärker auf Twitter präsent. Die Tonalität der Berichterstattung über Entwicklungspolitik fällt in der regionalen Presse positiver aus als in der überregionalen. Letztere berichtet in der Tendenz eher neutral. Auf Twitter wird hingegen mit positiverer Tonalität über das Themenfeld kommuniziert." (Zusammenfassung, Seite vii-viii)
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"Während im Jahr 2015 rund zwei Drittel der (Erz-)Bistümer und die Hälfte der Landeskirchen im Social Web präsent waren, sind es in 2020 mit einzelnen Ausnahmen alle. In den letzten fünf Jahren ist die Zahl der Abonnenten und Follower auf den einzelnen Kanälen gestiegen. Auch wenn Abonnentenza
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hlen und Engagement bei allen (Erz-)Bistümern und Landeskirchen insgesamt gestiegen sind, gibt es regional große Unterschiede, wie stark dieser Anstieg ausgefallen ist. Es ist deutlich zu sehen, dass die Etablierung eines Social-Media-Kanals und der Aufbau einer Community Zeit benötigen: Die (Erz-)Bistümer und Landeskirchen, die bereits 2014/15 aktiv waren und hohe Abonnentenzahlen erzielten, verfügen auch 2020 im Vergleich über höhere Abonnentenzahlen." (Seite 3)
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"Digitale Gewalt kommt nicht nur im öffentlichen Raum vor, sondern auch in privaten Beziehungen – und hat in Kombination mit häuslicher und sexualisierter Gewalt eine deutlich geschlechtsspezifische Komponente. Durch Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologien haben Gewaltformen wie Doxing, Sta
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lking, Hate Speech und Online-Belästigung und -Bedrohung stark zugenommen und durch die Nutzung des Internets ihre Wirkmächtigkeit verstärkt. Die Beiträger*innen des Bandes liefern für den Umgang mit diesen Gewaltformen grundlegende interdisziplinäre Analysen und diskutieren sowohl juristische, technische und aktivistische Interventionen als auch Erfahrungen aus der Beratungspraxis. Dabei werden zentrale politische Änderungsbedarfe ausgemacht und entsprechende Handlungsoptionen aufgezeigt." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Featuring contributions from a diverse range of internationally-recognized experts and practitioners, this timely volume discusses recent developments in the field in the context of related scholarship, public policy, formal and non-formal teaching and learning, and DIY and community practice. Offe
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ring a truly global perspective, the Handbook focuses on empirical work from Media and Information Literacy (MIL) practitioners from around the world. The book’s five parts explore global youth cultures and the media, trans-media learning, media literacy and scientific controversies, varying national approaches to media research, media education policies, and much more." (Publisher description)
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"The 2021 Europe & Eurasia Vibrant Information Barometer (VIBE) publication stands on the shoulders of IREX’s almost 20 years of the Media Sustainability Index (MSI), which was last published in 2019. Through VIBE, IREX aims to capture a modern era where many people around the world are simultaneo
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usly producers, transmitters, consumers, and actors of the information that shapes their environments and their lives. At the start of the VIBE project, IREX engaged with USAID in an extensive methodology development process, the result of which is this VIBE 2021 publication. A senior methodology consultant with an extensive background in monitoring and evaluation led the development process, which involved expertise from USAID in Washington and overseas, and peer reviews by U.S. and European media and information experts. Building on the MSI’s strengths, the VIBE methodology relies primarily on information from country experts who complete a VIBE questionnaire, provide scores for 20 indicators1 (which are averages of panelists’ scores on supporting sub-indicators), and evidence to justify their scores; they then contribute to a panel discussion led by a moderator. In light of the global pandemic of 2020 and 2021, almost all panel discussions were held online. In a new feature of VIBE, IREX introduced a strength of evidence (SoE) rating to each indicator, which is meant to increase transparency about the potential subjectivity of some indicators (and especially indicators measuring newer concepts or newer sources of information). For each expert-opinion indicator, moderators assigned a SoE rating—Weak, Somewhat Weak, Somewhat Strong, or Strong—based on the quality of evidence informing each indicator, the confidence of panelists in their scores, and the level of consensus across the panel." (Executive summary, page 8)
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"Auch die salafistische Szene nutzt den virtuellen Raum zur Propagierung ihrer Ideologie und zur Rekrutierung von Mitgliedern. Gerade für eine jüngere Zielgruppe hat sich in den vergangenen Jahren ein breites Angebot im deutschsprachigen Raum herausgebildet, mit dem Salafisten ihre Glaubensinhalte
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zu verbreiten suchen, die auf einer "reinen" und wortwörtlichen Lesart islamischer Schriften fußen und somit zwangsläufig einer pluralen und demokratischen Staats- und Gesellschaftsform zuwiderlaufen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This policy report provides an overview of the challenges and opportunities that the media are facing in Slovakia. Based on a number of interviews that took place with key Slovak media stakeholders, it finds that the Slovak media landscape is currently the freest of the Visegrad countries, despite
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an increase in both government and oligarch control of media. These findings are in line with its RSF Press Freedom Ranking of 33rd place in 2020, up two places on the previous year. The murder of investigative reporter, Ján Kuciak, in 2018 was a turning point which established sense of solidarity amongst the media profession which is coupled with an apparent desire amongst some of the public to investigative journalism, demonstrated through their financial support of a number of influential independent media titles. There are some concerns in relation to mainstream media ownership which appears to remain firmly in the grip of a select number of financial groups and oligarchs with strong business and economic interests although a recent sale of shares in leading publication the Denník SME to the Media Development Investment Fund (MDIF), a non-for-profit investment fund for independent media raises some hope. The government also continues to control the public media through politicised appointment processes and public advertising spend. The popularity of websites, which are typified by health disinformation and anti-European Union narratives, is a further cause for concern as similar narratives are now being disseminated by some of the online media. The tradition for investigative journalism is strong in Slovakia, however, and it is having some impact on policy and tackling corruption." (Executive summary)
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