"The research on audience behavior and the effects of Free Media Advocacy Campaign was conducted on a sample of 1,000 respondents, 25 to 55 years of age, and focused on the citizens’ viewpoint towards paying for media content (with the possibility of comparison to 2019 research) and evaluation of
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the campaign “Independent Media Depend on You” (IREX and Agency Communis). In terms of media consumption, respondents from 2019 generally spent more time with media than in the 2020 research. In addition, it is noticeable that respondents in both research cycles spent more time watching television and listening to the radio. The average time respondents spent per day watching television in 2020 was 108.6 minutes, while in 2019 the average time spent watching this media was 161.4 minutes. The average time respondents spent listening to the radio in the research conducted in 2020 is the same as the time spent watching TV (108.6 minutes), while in 2019, radio was the media respondents spent the most time listening to – 166.8 minutes. Social networks are the third most used media in terms of time spent on them per day (average time for 2020 – 87.6 minutes; average time for 2019 – 126.6 minutes). In fourth place are informative online portals and sites, while fifth place is print media with which respondents spend the least time per day (average time – 27 minutes). When it comes to citizens’ trust in media, it is evident that in both research cycles there is a greater distrust than a trust in the media, and this fits in the broader picture of citizen’s distrust in all civil society institutions. A total of 43% of respondents generally do not trust the media in Serbia at all – in 2020, while in 2019 the percentage was lower by two points (41%). On the other hand, a total of 22% of respondents stated that they have full confidence and that they mostly have trust in Serbian media, which is one percentage point more than in the research conducted in 2019. About a third of respondents had a neutral stance about trust in media (31% in 2020, 33% in 2019). A large percentage of respondents were not willing to pay for online content, however, when compared with 2019’s findings, SMS noticed that the willingness to pay for online content is more noticeable in 2020." (Summary)
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"Correspondents in nine countries – Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovenia, Croatia, Serbia, Romania, Bulgaria, and North Macedonia – have analysed how the pandemic has affected to their work environment. Lockdowns have caused print media sales and advertising revenue to collapse. Media w
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ith wealthy benefactors or state support are better placed to survive impending economic hardships. Various emergency laws and provisions allowed governments increased control over public information. In several cases, these enabled officials to evade scrutiny and attack journalists whose reporting challenged official statistics and the effectiveness of crisis measures." (Page 1)
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"This books critically explores media framing of human trafficking for sexual exploitation in UK, Dutch and Serbian media. It draws upon data from content analysis of online news reports and interviews with journalists and anti-trafficking professionals in order to further explore the framing of tra
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fficking, its production and consequences. Through a combination of quantitative, qualitative and visual research methods, this book offers a comprehensive insight into the mediated representation of trafficking and addresses wider social and political implications of such portrayal." (Publisher description)
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"Spotlight report on the state of public access to information in Canada, Indonesia, Mongolia, Pakistan, Serbia, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Tanzania, Tunisia, and Ukraine prepared for the 2019 cycle of the Voluntary National Reviews and the 2019 UN High Level Political Forum." (Subtitle)
"The 2019 Europe and Eurasia Media Sustainability Index (MSI) saw another improvement in the combined average score for the 21 countries studied: In 2018, the combined average score was 1.84, and in 2019 this increased to 1.86. In comparison with the previous year’s study, there were modest gains
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at the regional level in Objectives 1 (Freedom of Speech), 2 (Professional Journalism), and 3 (Plurality); the largest increase happened in Objective 5 (Supporting Institutions), which moved from 1.99 in 2018 to 2.04 in 2019. Objective 4 (Business Management) saw a slight decline, reflecting the financial and economic challenges media across Europe and Eurasia continue to experience. At the country level, Armenia moved into the highest ranking position (by overall score) of all countries studied by the MSI with an overall score of 2.60 – powered by, in the words of the chapter’s author, “[a] momentous revolution, dubbed “velvet” by its leader, Nikol Pashinyan, [that] changed the Armenian political landscape, turned the media world upside down, and made 2018 a truly unprecedented year in Armenia’s modern history.” Following Armenia, the top five highest ranked countries included Kosovo (2.53), Albania (2.49), and Montenegro and Romania (tied at 2.45)." (Executive summary, page ix)
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"The visual presentation of the Serb accused in TV news was based on iconic images of the accused combined with symbolic images of the state and its power, with nearly complete absence of visuals of atrocities and victims. In contrast, the visual presentation of the Croatian, Bosniak and Albanian de
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fendants draws meaning mainly from sequences of images displaying victims, war destruction or attacks as “palpable” proof of crimes. This supports a sentiment of collective victimhood of the Serb population and creates the impression of the indicted persons’ guilt even after their acquittals by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Since the research project has been limited to three Serb TV channels, comparative work on TV media in other states of former Yugoslavia would be required in order to assess how ’special’ the case of Serbia is regarding these visual strategies. The much disputed legitimacy of the ICTY and the important role of media have also become obvious in focus groups interviews with students in Serbia: The students displayed a striking lack of knowledge about war crimes; nonetheless, they strongly rejected the ICTY as a biased institution. At the same time, they were perceptive of new facts and interpretations, showing that they have a genuine need to understand the past and obtain objective information. A major problem is that in their perception there are few, if any, objective, neutral institutions which to put trust in. The expert interviews, conducted in Belgrade and The Hague, underlined the critical state of mainstream TV media in Serbia: They were assessed as not really independent, driven by entertainment formats, suspect to governmental pressure and failing in their watchdog functions. The interviewees also expressed a widespread disappointment about the state of affairs of transitional justice in Serbia." (Summary)
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"The Operational Handbook for Contact Centres for online safety of children contains action guidelines as well as knowledge, procedures and rules for successful work through the helpline for providing quality assistance and support to children, youth, families, professionals, teachers and others wor
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king with children and young people on the safer and secure use of the Internet and protection of children and young people when using modern technologies, as well as reporting illegal or harmful content on the Internet (hotline). The document also contains examples of good international and regional practices on the functioning of similar centres (Safer Internet Centres). The purpose of the Operational Handbook is to analyse the work of the Safer Internet Centres and offer guidance to the National Contact Centre for online safety of children in the Republic of Serbia on how to improve its efficiency and enhance its impact. This analysis also included a wider context in which the children helplines and reporting lines function, mapped out some of the new risks that children and young people might encounter in the digital environment, as well as the necessary support and resources needed for effective response and implications for the operational efficiency." (Page 6)
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"Während des kriegerischen Zerfalls von Jugoslawien und der Bildung neuer Nationalstaaten entstand in der Region ein reges Dokumentarfilmschaffen, das sich den dominanten Rhetoriken der Politik entgegenstellte. Anhand dieses Filmkorpus untersucht die Studie die Bedingungen der Filmproduktion und -r
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ezeption vor dem Hintergrund der komplexen politischen Zusammenhänge und fragt nach den Möglichkeiten der gesellschaftlichen Aktivierung. Die Autorin zeigt, wie die Filme mittels innovativer formalästhetischer Strategien die Widersprüche der existierenden Verhältnisse in ihrer unüberschaubaren Vielschichtigkeit aufdeckten und so die Reflexion der Zuschauer*innen anzuregen versuchten. Ihre präzisen Analysen führen sie zu Erkenntnissen darüber, wie politisch-aktivierende Dokumentarfilme eine zukünftige Realität evozieren, die als eine ‹sich formende› gedacht werden muss. Zudem rückt die Studie ein Filmschaffen in den Blick, das bislang kaum die ihm gebührende Aufmerksamkeit erhalten hat." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"In the western Balkans, where post-war societies are still trying to rebuild their lives, and tensions lie just below the surface, media messages influenced by the politics of the day are destabilizing. For some, this is poorly disguised propaganda, a kind of political “spin”, “spun” by man
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y of the same political elites who were in power in the 1990s and delivered to the public by the mainstream media. In doing so the media is perpetuating divisive rhetoric, and not allowing societies to have reprieve from, or reflect on their traumatic pasts. In this kind of environment, the space for journalists and actors to investigate all sides of a complex story, and to report on present and past events based on facts, in turn challenging dominant societal narratives, is limited. And not only limited, but dangerous. In this 13th edition of Balkan Perspectives, authors from academia, journalism and law, Dafina Halili, Dinko Gruhonjic, Dushica Nofitoska, Dr. Lejla Tutcilo, Sara Velaga, Serbeze Haxhiaj, Teofil Pancic, and Zhaneta Zdravkovska, reflect on the current state of media in the region, the structures supporting it, and what could change to give space and attention to all sides of a story, in order to challenge dominant interpretations of the past and bring about constructive discourse on these topics." (Editorial, page 5)
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"This study was specfically intended to: 1. provide comprehensive insight into the public’s media consumption patterns, and its underlying causes: a) values; b) needs and interests, particularly regarding media content; c) motivation and aspirations, with specific emphasis on buying media content;
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d) financial functioning and attitudes towards different types of payment systems, etc. and 2. provide comprehensive analysis and recommendations to inform the Strengthening Media Systems Activity (SMS) programmatic approach in all aspects of media sustainability, as well as to inform organizational and business strategies and tactics of different types of media outlets on the local, regional and national levels. The research implemented in 2019 combined a variety of methods (both quantitative and qualitative) and techniques (a face-to-face-survey and computer-assisted web interviewing, or CAWI), and targeted a number of groups – a representative sample of 1500 respondents age 15 to 65 for the face-to-face survey, a sample of 100 daily internet users for web interviews, and 96 internet and local media users aged 15 to 65 for the 12 focus group discussions in Belgrade, Niš, Kragujevac, Novi Sad, Sombor, Loznica, and Zajecar. The key aim of the research was to gain an in-depth understanding of the needs, habits, and expectations of the audience, in order to facilitate rational and informed discussion about the media sector and public attitudes; and strategic decision-making by media businesses, with the starting assumption that understanding audience needs and profiling target groups constitutes integral parts of any media business strategy in terms of both preparing and formatting media content. Thus, the study was structured to facilitate the achievement of SMS objectives and to provide directions for SMS strategic and operational interventions in the following areas: 1. Content production and editorial policy, 2. Content sources and formats, 3. Interaction and community involvement, and 4. Financial sustainability." (Abstract, page 2-3)
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"Artificial intelligence (AI) is now receiving unprecedented global attention as it finds widespread practical application in multiple spheres of activity. But what are the human rights, social justice and development implications of AI when used in areas such as health, education and social service
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s, or in building “smart cities”? How does algorithmic decision making impact on marginalised people and the poor? This edition of Global Information Society Watch (GISWatch) provides a perspective from the global South on the application of AI to our everyday lives. It includes 40 country reports from countries as diverse as Benin, Argentina, India, Russia and Ukraine, as well as three regional reports. These are framed by eight thematic reports dealing with topics such as data governance, food sovereignty, AI in the workplace, and so-called “killer robots”. While pointing to the positive use of AI to enable rights in ways that were not easily possible before, this edition of GISWatch highlights the real threats that we need to pay attention to if we are going to build an AI-embedded future that enables human dignity." (Back cover)
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"This book gives an overview of public service media in South East Europe; referring to the ten countries, which the Media Programme of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung covers. From Croatia to North Macedonia and Bulgaria to the Republic of Moldova, liberalised media markets have emerged following the c
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ollapse of socialism and its state-controlled media systems. State broadcasters have become public service media. For the first time, essential information about individual public broadcasters is being gathered. Media experts from the respective countries write, among other things, about the history, the legal framework, the financing model and organisational structures in place. The chapters are supplemented with the results of a recent representative opinion poll commissioned by the Media Programme and conducted by the research institute Ipsos. We have asked the same six questions in all ten countries. In the results summarised for the entire region, two answers are very clear: almost 70 percent of respondents say that public service media are important for democracy. Unfortunately, almost 65 percent see these channels under political influence. In South Europe, in particular, this discrepancy becomes visible and audible at demonstrations when people take to the streets against their government. Then usually public service media are focus of protests and have been criticised as mouthpieces of the government." (Preface)
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"People across 27 countries are divided on whether they trust traditional media (magazines and newspapers, TV and radio). These sources are equally trusted as they are distrusted. However, levels of trust in media sources vary greatly at the country level. Trust in traditional media is perceived to
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have decreased over the past five years. This survey shows two main contributing factors: the prevalence of fake news and doubts about media sources’ good intentions. Online media websites are slightly less trusted than traditional media, but trust in them is not reported to have dropped as extensively over the past five years. Proximity to people matters. People are most trusting of other people they know them personally. Furthermore, personal relationships are the only source of news and information that is perceived to have gained in trustworthiness over the past five years. Opinions vary widely across countries as to whether public broadcasters can be trusted more than private ones, depending on how broadcasting services are organized and controlled." (Key findings)
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"This book investigates the role of media and communication in processes of democratization in different political and cultural contexts. Struggles for democratic change are periods of intense contest over the transformation of citizenship and the reconfiguration of political power. These democratiz
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ation conflicts are played out within an increasingly complex media ecology where traditional modes of communication merge with new digital networks, thus bringing about multiple platforms for journalists and political actors to promote and contest competing definitions of reality. The volume draws on extensive case study research in South Africa, Kenya, Egypt and Serbia to highlight the ambivalent role of the media as force for democratic change, citizen empowerment, and accountability, as well as driver of polarization, radicalization and manipulation." (Publisher description)
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"Media companies in Serbia are not sufficiently aware of the importance of personal data protection, nor are there developed procedures regarding the fulfilment of standards in line with new rules for personal data protection. Taking into account media business models in a digital environment, which
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are substantially based on collecting data of visitors and users of websites, it is necessary to advance their practices and internal policies. This is necessary so that they can use the potentials of digital economy and respect the privacy of their audiences in accordance with the new legislation." (Summary)
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"These are the background case notes complied for MEMO 2018.1: Challenging Truth and Trust: A Global Inventory of Organized Social Media Manipulation. For details on the methods behind this content analysis please see the methodology section of the report. This document contains data from over 500 s
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ources organized by country. The sources include high quality news articles, academic papers, white papers, and a range of other grey literature. As an annotated bibliography, the country cases here make use of significant passages from these secondary sources, and every effort has been made to preserve full citation details for future researchers. The full list of references can be found in our public Zotero folder, with each reference tagged with a country name." (Page 3)
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"This chapter analyses contextual factors that are common to the seven countries of this region that affect developing a genuine public service orientation in media policies and performance. By better understanding historical legacies, inadequate technological development and late entry into digital
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isation, and problems rooted in economic underdevelopment and clientelism, the prognosis for the emergence of ‘networked societies’ under illiberal conditions is at least tardy and perhaps impractical in the foreseeable future, at least. Contextual factors prioritise a set of values that greatly complicate the development of public service broadcasting in technological and democratic terms, much less the even more complex transition to public service media." (Abstract)
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"As a part of Russian soft (or coercive) power disinformation and propaganda have become key elements in an updated Russian security policy since 2012/13. For Russian leadership disinformation and propaganda have become key instruments to impact domestic debates in EU member states and in the neighb
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ourhood of the EU. This policy aims to weaken cohesion in the EU and its image in the neighbourhood and has become so successful because of the shrinking self-confidence of Western democracies. This study analyses Russia‘s communication strategy with regard to its influence in Serbia and Estonia. What are the tools that are used? What are the aims behind disinformation and fake news stories? It shows that a formerly reactive response from a perceived position of weakness has turned into a well-executed communication strategy that makes use of vulnerabilities to sow discord. National elites in the target countries play a key role for the success or failure of this policy." (Abstract)
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"This open access edited collection examines representations of human trafficking in media ranging from British and Serbian newspapers, British and Scandinavian crime novels, and a documentary series, and questions the extent to which these portrayals reflect the realities of trafficking. It tackles
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the problematic tendency to under-report particular types of victim and forms of trafficking, and seeks to explore both dominant and marginalised points of view. The authors take a cross-disciplinary approach, utilising analytical tools from across the humanities and social sciences, including linguistics, literary and media studies, and cultural criminology. It will appeal to students, academics and policy-makers with an interest in human trafficking and its depiction in the modern day." (Publisher description)
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