"The rise of social media in Zimbabwe has brought with it a greater variety of platforms which offer people a means to express themselves. However, the democratisation of information and the increase in digital spaces have also come with greater state restriction and polarisation among Zimbabweans.
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This policy brief intends to discuss the state’s attempts to act as the proctor of social media in order to explore the relations between users of online platforms in terms of political leanings and gender. To this end, it will also discuss the damaging effects of online targeting and how it can exacerbate already existing political divisions between people. The paper will also discuss how the state uses legal instruments to surveil and regulate online activity as a way of maintaining its iron grip on the people." (Abstract)
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"A year after a new wave of data protection regulations such as the European Union’s GDPR have come into effect, the websites of media outlets continue collecting great volumes of personal information—but often unintentionally, and typically for other parties. That so many media institutions hav
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e failed to safeguard this asset—to both protect the privacy and safety of their readers and to be in a better negotiating position with advertisers—suggests that education, capacity building, and direct support of independent news outlets is needed to improve their analytics activities and ensure that they safeguard reader privacy. Indeed, the findings in this report reveal that the current level of preparedness among smaller media companies in the Global South to protect their readers from being identified and to protect the commercial value of their analytics data is low. Experts consulted for this report said that this is unfortunate as many of the most common data analytic practices that independent media outlets engage in and benefit from do not require the use of personal information at all. While it will take additional effort by website operators, safeguarding the privacy rights of visitors may be good for business. This, in turn, could help improve the commercial viability of independent media." (Conclusion)
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"Digitization has transformed the way we interact with our social, political and economic environments. While it has enhanced the potential for citizen agency, it has also enabled the collection and analysis of unprecedented amounts of personal data. This requires us to fundamentally rethink our und
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erstanding of digital citizenship, based on an awareness of the ways in which citizens are increasingly monitored, categorized, sorted and profiled. Drawing on extensive empirical research, Digital Citizenship in a Datafied Society offers a new understanding of citizenship in an age defined by data collection and processing. The book traces the social forces that shape digital citizenship by investigating regulatory frameworks, mediated public debate, citizens' knowledge and understanding, and possibilities for dissent and resistance." (Back cover)
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"Since 2013, Bangladesh authorities have used draconian provisions in the Information and Communication Technology Act (ICT Act) to arrest scores of people for political and social commentary critical of the current Awami League government or its leaders. Those targeted have also included journalist
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s and editors arrested for articles critical of government officials or for writing about corruption or maladministration, as well as numerous individuals arrested for allegedly offending religious sentiment or for defamation. 'No Place for Criticism' details dozens of cases since authorities amended the act in 2013 to add harsher penalties and allow the police to make arrests without warrant. Since the Cyber Tribunal was established in 2013, the police submitted 1271 charge sheets to the Cyber Tribunal in Dhaka, most of them under section 57 of the act, a particularly sweeping provision. Many detainees have been held for months without trial. A significant number of those arrested are linked to Bangladesh opposition parties and were detained following complaints to the police by members of the governing Awami League. The government has pledged to replace the ICT Act with a new law, the Digital Security Act, a draft of which is now being considered by parliament. However, the proposed new law in some respects is broader and more open to abuse than the law it seeks to replace, and it continues to violate Bangladesh’s international obligation to protect freedom of speech." (Back cover)
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"A number of recent legislative initiatives on ‘hate speech’, including most prominently the 2017 German NetzDG law on social media, make reference to some forms of self-regulation. Voluntary mechanisms between digital companies and various public bodies addressing ‘hate speech’ and other is
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sues, such as the EU Code of Conduct on hate speech, also make reference to self-regulatory models. However, our analysis of these mechanisms demonstrates that they fail to comply with the requirements of international human rights law. They rely on vague and overbroad terms to identify unlawful content, they delegate censorship responsibilities to social media companies with no real consideration of the lawfulness of content, and they fail to provide due process guarantees. ARTICLE 19 therefore suggests exploring a new model of effective self-regulation for social media. This model could take the form of a dedicated “social media council” – inspired by the effective self-regulation models created to support and promote journalistic ethics and high standards in print media. We believe that effective selfregulation could offer an appropriate framework through which to address the current problems with content moderation by social media companies, including ‘hate speech’ on their platforms, providing it also meets certain conditions of independence, openness to civil society participation, accountability and effectiveness." (Executive summary)
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"This report maps the current landscape in respect of digital rights and online freedom of expression in East, West and Southern Africa. It looks at the trends regarding law and policy developments, as well as recent litigation, within these regions. The report focuses on 18 countries – 6 per regi
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on – and tracks the recent developments that have taken place in these countries. Part I of the report provides an overview of the litigation before the ACHPR and the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (African Court) in respect of freedom of expression. Parts II, III and IV of the report look at the trends generally in East, West and Southern Africa respectively, as well as some of the key legal and civil society actors working on digital rights and online freedom of expression, and include a snapshot of some of the notable developments – both positive and negative – that have occurred in the 18 countries under consideration in this report, as well as reflections on opportunities and challenges for vindicating digital rights within each of the countries. Lastly, Part V considers what the next possible opportunities will be for digital rights and online freedom of expression litigation in the region." (Pages 5-6)
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"Como recomendações à reversão do atual processo em curso e para o respeito à legislação para a Internet em vigor no Brasil, sobretudo o Marco Civil da Internet, propomos: A inclusão do modelo de regime público para a prestação do serviço de conexão à Internet, especialmente na presta
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ão de serviço no atacado; A criação de um modelo de plano básico, com preço, velocidade, franquia e qualidade adequados, para que a construção de redes, com recursos públicos, represente ampliação do acesso a todos/as; A separação funcional ou estrutural dos serviços prestados na camada de rede do serviço de conexão, para fins de regulação e incentivo à competição; O investimento na Telebras e a retomada de sua atuação baseada no interesse público e não apenas na rentabilidade econômica; A adequação do modelo de TACs para garantir oferta em áreas de menor interesse econômica; Criação de um fundo garantidor para pequenos provedores de Internet com recursos públicos; Redução da carga tributária incidente sobre o serviço de conexão à Internet; Criação e fortalecimento de instrumentos de transparência, fiscalização das políticas públicas e participação social." (Conclusão e recomendações, página 53)
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"The digital convergence means that how the Internet develops going forward — both in terms of policy and technology — will shape the very environment in which all other media operate. This report makes the case to this community that they can, and must, engage in the decision-making bodies that
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are shaping Internet governance (IG) to ensure that the Internet — and the growing media sphere it sustains — remains open, pluralistic, and democratic. The media development community can work to improve the global enabling environment for media by actively engaging in Internet governance. Policy issues being discussed at ICANN, IGF, ITU, IETF, and IEEE could greatly benefit from the input of those with media development experience. Multistakeholder Internet governance presents a unique opportunity for the media development community to actively shape the future media ecosystem." (CIMA website)
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"This publication is what we call our Transfer Guide. It serves three different purposes. First, it documents the work done by the IGF Academy team and the eight fellows in 2016. Together, we mapped those stakeholders involved (or who should be involved) in Internet governance in the eight countries
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[Bangladesh, Bhutan, Congo-Brazzaville, Myanmar, Namibia, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Togo] [...] Secondly, the Transfer Guide is an iterative document in that the fellows will continue to work on or adapt various aspects of the process, such as creating more detailed funding and communication strategies or mapping a changing stakeholder environment. As such, the Transfer Guide shows past as well as future tasks and also serves as a reminder of actions to review. Thirdly, this publication aims to transfer knowledge and experience so that others can benefit from the results of this process." (Page 3)
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"Diese Publikation soll deutlich machen: Die Vorstellung einer inhaltlichen Trennung national-europäischer Digitalpolitik von globaler Internet Governance ist nicht nur falsch – sie ist mit Blick auf die zukünftige Regulierung und Entwicklung des Internets auch sehr kurzsichtig. Denn die in den
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nationalen und globalen Gremien diskutierten Fragestellungen unterscheiden sich nur auf den ersten Blick. Tatsächlich handelt es sich um die gleichen technischen, wirtschaftlichen und gesellschaftspolitischen Fragen, diskutiert in verschiedenen Settings und unter Einbeziehung unterschiedlicher Akteure. Nicht selten werden auf einer Ebene Reformvorhaben angestoßen, die auf einer anderen Ebene nicht verfolgt oder nicht sinnvoll umgesetzt werden können. Ein Beispiel dafür führt Hauke Gierow in seinem Beitrag zum Thema Breitbandausbau vor. Das „Recht auf einen Internetzugang“ wurde auf globaler Ebene beschlossen und kodifiziert. Die technische Umsetzung der Versorgung mit Internetzugang obliegt nationalen Bemühungen, privaten Vereinen und Unternehmen. Über das „Wie“ der Umsetzung (zum Beispiel durch Angebote des „Zero-Rating“) wiederum wird ein globaler politischer Diskurs geführt." (Seite 9-10)
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"The research in these pages covers the theory around multistakeholder participation in Internet governance through a review of relevant literature. It also analyses case studies from Kenya to Brazil, South Korea, and the Internet Governance Forum (IGF), which illustrate how multistakeholder approac
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hes to Internet governance are applied in practice in diverse places and on different issues. In two of these cases, the outcome had legal repercussions that advanced the role of the Internet in terms of respect for rights; in the other two, the impact was positive for wider norms and processes." (Foreword, page 6)
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"This study assesses the Cybercrime Act 2015 and its implications for online press freedom in the liberal authoritarian state of Nigeria. Specifically, the study examines how the character of political leadership in Nigeria leads to wrongful application of the act to undermine the independence of th
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e press. The study shows that Nigeria’s online press freedom index has consistently worsened since the introduction of the Cybercrime Act in 2015, and it recommends the promotion of a holistic democratic project that recognises economic and political freedom as being inextricably linked." (Abstract)
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"National and Regional Internet Governance Forums (NRIs) are the stars of the 2017 Global Information Society Watch. The story of NRIs began two years after the first global IGF held in 2006. In 2008, stakeholders from Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania and Rwanda organised national forums and a subsequent Eas
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t African IGF, to prepare for and discuss common concerns in anticipation of the global forum held later that year in Hyderabad. Soon after, many other national and regional initiatives emerged, impacting the global forum from the bottom up, enhancing inclusiveness and the broad engagement of multiple stakeholders. Today there is widespread agreement that national and regional forums constitute an important part of the IGF process, that their rise has added significance to the global forum and, at the same time, strengthened national and regional initiatives in their quest for inclusive, participatory decision making on their home turf. This GISWatch edition is the first comprehensive look at national and regional IGF initiatives from a critical, civil society perspective. In all, 54 reports are presented, including seven reports addressing cross-cutting themes, 40 covering national IGFs, and seven examining regional initiatives." (Preface)
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"It is precisely to counterbalance what are largely “outsider” views in the main edition of Global Information Society Watch that we wanted this companion edition to capture the origin stories, achievements and challenges of National and Regional IGF Initiative (NRI) in their own words. Their st
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ruggles should not be taken for granted. Behind each are people who have worked extremely hard, dedicating time, most often on a voluntary basis, or on top of already demanding jobs, to convince people to participate, and, particularly challenging, to provide financial support. Like the global Internet Governance Forum (IGF), most NRIs are still learning, trying to be stronger, find their feet, gain legitimacy, and achieve effectively balanced stakeholder participation and debate. They face huge constraints – financial, but also often political. Each has its own dynamics and will follow its own path and will hopefully benefit from the support provided by the IGF Secretariat and the NRI community." (Preface)
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"This publication recognizes the principle that “internet policy is social policy”. Accordingly, its core assumption is that internet governance concerns everybody. The stakes are high in today’s digital society. Equitable access to the internet; human and civil rights; the right to social, cu
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ltural, and economic participation; fair trade; and ensuring that the “net of nets” is working smoothly and securely at all times: all are topics that relate to internet governance." (Preface, page 5)
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