"El análisis revela los desafíos al proceso de construcción de soluciones reguladoras que protejan derechos y sean efectivas para promover el acceso a información confiable. La desinformación está profundamente entrelazada con los procesos políticos y sociales, y no es posible pensar en soluc
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iones legales y reguladoras aisladamente del entendimiento de estos procesos y de los contextos nacionales y locales." (Resumen)
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"Russia has operationalized the concept of perpetual adversarial competition in the information environment by encouraging the development of a disinformation and propaganda ecosystem that allows for varied and overlapping approaches that reinforce each other even when individual messages within the
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system appear contradictory. This ecosystem reflects both the sources of disinformation and propaganda—official government statements, state-funded media outlets, proxy websites, bots, false social media personas, cyber-enabled disinformation operations, etc.—and the different tactics that these channels use. Russia’s willingness to employ this approach provides it with three perceived advantages. First, it allows for the introduction of numerous variations of the same false narratives. This allows for the different pillars of the ecosystem to fine tune their disinformation narratives to suit different target audiences because there is no need for consistency, as there would be with attributed government communications. Second, it provides plausible deniability for Kremlin officials when proxy sites peddle blatant and dangerous disinformation, allowing them to deflect criticism while still introducing pernicious information. Third, it creates a media multiplier effect among the different pillars of the ecosystem that boost their reach and resonance. The media multiplier effect can, at times, create disinformation storms with potentially dangerous effects for those Russia perceives as adversaries at the international, national, and local level. In the past, Russia has leveraged this dynamic to shield itself from criticism for its involvement in malign activity. This approach also allows Russia to be opportunistic, such as with COVID-19, where it has used the global pandemic as a hook to push longstanding disinformation and propaganda narratives [...] This report provides a visual representation of the ecosystem described above, as well as an example of the media multiplier effect it enables. This serves to demonstrate how the different pillars of the ecosystem play distinct roles and feed off of and bolster each other. The report also includes brief profiles of select proxy sites and organizations that occupy an intermediate role between the pillars of the ecosystem with clear links to Russia and those that are meant to be fully deniable." (Pages 5-7)
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"This report compares the impact of legislation in countries with multiparty legislatures and independent government institutions, and countries with one dominant political force and an absence of independent national institutions. It finds that in the former countries, provisions are included to sa
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feguard human rights and democratic practices, in particular freedom of expression, whilst international conventions are adhered to and aligned with human rights principles. In contrast, the latter countries place the authority of the state at the centre of dis-information laws, and their interpretation of what constitutes fake news is often vaguely-worded. To address these issues, a set of recommendations are prescribed to governments in the region to adhere to the international obligations, set up independent institutions, ensure multi-stakeholder collaboration, and seek expert advise the conditions to regard when implementing national legislation, policies and practices." (Abstract, page 61)
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"Without proper training in digital news verification, the dissemination of misinformation is both rapid and disastrous. Journalists are often processing a massive amount of information through social media with very little time to verify it--this presents unique challenges for journalists working w
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ith or in digital media especially in times of a pandemic. These problems have manifested themselves in situations where journalists and news organisations have also fallen prey to fake news and disinformation online. It is important to educate journalists and media practitioners regarding the use of proper tools and resources to check the authenticity of a news." (Introduction, page 5)
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"Any technology that can be used to generate false or misleading content, from photocopiers and Photoshop software to deep fakes, can be weaponised. This paper argues that policymakers face a narrowing window of opportunity to minimise the consequences of weaponised deep fakes. Any response must inc
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lude measures across three lines of effort: 1. investment in and deployment of deep fake detection technologies; 2. changing online behaviour, including via policy measures that empower digital audiences to critically engage with content and that bolster trusted communication channels; 3. creation and enforcement of digital authentication standards." (Page 4)
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"Artificially intelligent “bot” accounts attack politicians and public figures on social media. Conspiracy theorists publish junk news sites to promote their outlandish beliefs. Campaigners create fake dating profiles to attract young voters. We live in a world of technologies that misdirect our
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attention, poison our political conversations, and jeopardize our democracies. With massive amounts of social media and public polling data, and in-depth interviews with political consultants, bot writers, and journalists, Philip N. Howard offers ways to take these “lie machines” apart. 'Lie Machines' is full of riveting behind-the-scenes stories from the world’s biggest and most damagingly successful misinformation initiatives—including those used in Brexit and U.S. elections. Howard not only shows how these campaigns evolved from older propaganda operations but also exposes their new powers, gives us insight into their effectiveness, and explains how to shut them down." (Publisher description)
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"The aim of this paper is to investigate the phenomena of misinformation, disinformation, and malinformation, as well as their impact on the political sphere. In addition, the paper attempts to explain the harmful influence of misinformation, disinformation, and malinformation on public debates, dem
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ocratic processes, and civil society engagement." (Introduction)
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"This paper examines online discourse about the White Helmets, a volunteer rescue group that operates in rebel (anti-regime) areas of Syria. The White Helmet’s humanitarian activities, their efforts to document the targeting of civilians through video evidence, and their non-sectarian nature (that
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disrupted regime-preferred narratives of rebels as Islamic terrorists) put the group at odds with the Syrian government and their allies, including Russia. Consequently, they became a target of a persistent effort to undermine them. Disinformation can be defined as information that is deliberately false or misleading. Its purpose is not always to convince, but to create doubt. Bittman (1985) describes one tactic of disinformation as “public relations … in reverse” meant to damage an adversary’s image and undermine their objectives. We argue that disinformation is best understood as a campaign—an assemblage of information actions—employed to mislead for a strategic, political purpose. Prior research and investigative reporting have characterized the campaign against the White Helmets as disinformation, due to its connection to Russia’s influence apparatus, its use of false and misleading narratives to delegitimize the group, and its function to create doubt about their evidence documenting atrocities perpetrated by the Syrian regime and their Russian allies. This research examines “both sides” of the White Helmets discourse—exploring how the White Helmets promote their work and foster solidarity with online audiences through their own social media activity and through episodic attention from mainstream media, and examining how the campaign against the White Helmets attempts to counter and delegitimize their work through strategic use of alternative and social media. We do not make any claims about the veracity of specific pieces of content or specific narratives shared by accounts on either side of this conversation. However, we do highlight how the campaign against the White Helmets reflects emerging understandings of disinformation in this context." (Page 2)
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"Just because the effectiveness of disinformation may be tied to innate aspects of human psychology does not mean that democratic societies are powerless to respond. Rather, civil society, journalists, and other stakeholders invested in the freedom and openness of the global information space should
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develop innovative adaptations to the contemporary, disinformation-rich information landscape by bearing in mind key insights from the 'demand' side of this challenge: passive and active demand for disinformation; disinformation as a global phenomenon; accounting for psychology in fact-checking initiatives; mistrust vs. media literacy; the impact of emerging technologies on the disinformation crisis." (Executive summary)
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"The Forum on Information & Democracy proposes a number of policy steps to democratic governments and their supporters. Transparency and accountability need to be shored up and content moderation should be done according to democratic mandates and oversight. The impact of new platforms where disinfo
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rmation can go viral, such as private messenger services, needs to be understood. Through a global democratic coalition, a meaningful alternative should be offered instead of the two dominant models of technology governance: the privatized and the authoritarian. Through the intergovernmental Partnership on Information & Democracy, democratic leaders recognize the information and communication space as a ‘public good’. Now they have to implement their commitments in policies on the national and international level. Our recommendations are designed to shape and support their policy agenda." (Foreword, page 13)
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"Online spaces are being systematically weaponised to exclude women leaders and to undermine the role of women in public life. Attacks on women which use hateful language, rumour and gendered stereotypes combine personal attacks with political motivations, making online spaces dangerous places for w
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omen to speak out. And left unchecked, this phenomenon of gendered disinformation, spread by state and non-state actors, poses a serious threat to women’s equal political participation. In this research, we investigated state-aligned gendered disinformation in two countries, Poland and the Philippines, through an analysis of Twitter data. We analysed tweets in Polish and, from the Philippines, in English." (Executive summary)
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"La pandemia de la COVID-19 ha generado una crisis sanitaria y comunicativa sin precedentes. A través de las plataformas digitales, se ha producido una ingente circulación de información falsa, inexacta o descontextualizada so-bre el coronavirus. Entre ella, cabe destacar los rumores, bulos y teo
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rías conspirativas sobre (1) el origen, expansión y letalidad del virus; (2) las re-comendaciones y prácticas curativas; y (3) la gestión de la pandemia por parte de las administraciones públicas y organismos internacionales. En el actual escenario de infodemia, esta investigación aborda de qué forma 8 organizaciones de fact-checking han empleado Twitter como herramienta para combatir la desinformación en tiempos de la COVID-19: Agência Lupa (Brasil), Chequeado (Argentina), Maldita.es y Newtral (España), Colombia-Check (Colombia), Ecuador Chequea (Ecuador), El Sabueso – Animal Político (México) y Cotejo (Venezuela). Entre los meses de marzo y junio de 2020 estas organizaciones han publicado de forma sostenida en Twitter, obteniendo elevadas cifras de engagement en forma de retuits y favoritos. Se han incluido múltiples hashtags sobre la COVID-19, incluyendo aquellas etiquetas promovidas por LATAM Chequea y la IFCN (#CoronaVirusFacts y #DatosCoronaVirus) y otros hashtags genéricos dirigidos al gran público. Los contenidos relacionados con la COVID-19 han sido los más viralizados por los usuarios." (Resumen)
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"Desinformation ist eine Konstante der politischen Kommunikation. Doch mit der Wahl Donald Trumps zum Präsidenten der Vereinigten Staaten und der Brexit-Abstimmung in Großbritannien erhielten bewusst lancierte Falschnachrichten eine neue gesellschaftliche Bedeutung. Denn nun wurde sichtbar, welche
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Wirkungen Falschmeldungen für demokratische Systeme haben. Der Band geht diesem Phänomen auf den Grund, indem er herausarbeitet, was “Fake News” sind. Er geht der Frage nach, wie, warum und von wem sie eingesetzt werden und reflektiert, was man gesellschaftlich und persönlich dagegen tun kann. Das Buch gibt zu diesem Zweck einen Überblick über den aktuellen Stand der empirischen Forschung zu Fake News und Desinformation, besonders mit Blick auf deren Verbreitung, Erkennbarkeit und Wirksamkeit. Zugleich diskutiert er in einer Mischung aus Essays, theoretischen Erörterungen und empirischen Studien die Herausforderungen von Desinformation für unsere Gesellschaft und beleuchtet so das Thema von allen Seiten." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Misinformation is false or inaccurate information deliberately intended to deceive. In the context of the current pandemic, it can greatly affect all aspects of life, especifically people’s mental health, since searching for COVID-19 updates on the Internet has jumped 50% –70% across all genera
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tions. Misinformation in a pandemic can negatively affect human health. Many false or misleading stories are fabricated and shared without any background or quality checking. Much of this misinformation is based on conspiracy theories, some introducing elements of these into seemingly mainstream discourse. Inaccurate and false information has been circulating about all aspects of the disease." (Page 1)
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"Issues of verification in the age of mass media, and now social media, have been a long-discussed topic among Islamic media scholars. While Islam might be a common thread in COVID-19 religious misinformation, there is nothing inherently Islamic to the religious tinged elements of misinformation on
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social media, beyond its use for financial or political expediency. Furthermore, religious misinformation can be used by opponents of Islam to further undermine the religion and its adherents, prompting Islamophobia. Religious misinformation comes from various types of actors. On one hand, we saw examples of top-down misinformation from certain religious leaders who benefit from social media platforms to spread false remedies. Incidents of bottom-up misinformation, on the other hand, demonstrate content creators taking advantage of pandemic-induced uncertainty to attract new subscribers and followers. While the content and the actors behind religious misinformation are significant, in McLuhan’s terms, the medium is the real message (McLuhan, 1964). Social media platforms are defining new parameters for religious dynamics and authority. They are the impetus behind why religious misinformation is contributing to this infodemic. Social media platforms have become digital worship spaces for some believers. In recent years, religious leaders were able to share their teachings, while repurposing and remixing Holy scripture to bolster religious participation (Brubaker & Haigh, 2017; Cheong, 2014). Social media have in some instances disrupted and challenged the traditional forms of religious authority structures. Now, anyone can claim religious authority, or assume religious leadership, something ordinarily be out of reach without social media. This form of misinformation finds a home among an online audience eager for peace at a time of crisis. Conspiracy-based content reduces the complexity of reality and simplifies causation in times of uncertainty." (Conclusion)
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"In Lateinamerika haben Politiker wie Bolsonaro in Brasilien oder Bukele in El Salvador die Präsidentschaftswahlen nicht zuletzt durch ihre Abgrenzung vom politischen Establishment gewonnen, ungeachtet dessen, dass auch sie schon lange zu diesem von ihnen so diskreditierten Politikbetrieb gehören.
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Einmal im Amt, kämpfen sie mit allen Mitteln darum, ihr Anti-Establishment-Image aufrechtzuerhalten. Dazu gehören auch gezielte Desinformationskampagnen. Mit Verschwörungserzählungen, Fake News, Propaganda, Hasskampagnen oder auch Zensur schaffen sie Feindbilder und schweißen durch Abgrenzung und Ausgrenzung «der anderen» die eigene Basis zusammen. Sie polarisieren und spalten die Gesellschaft, erschüttern das Vertrauen in die staatlichen Institutionen und sichern sich so ihre Macht. Aber nicht nur die Politik weiß sich solcher Desinformationsstrategien zu bedienen. Auch andere Interessengruppen, z.B. aus dem fundamentalistischen religiösen Spektrum, Klimaleugner/innen und Menschen mit sexistischen, homophoben und rassistischen Ansichten, nutzen diese Mechanismen. Auch Schweigen kann ein Mittel der Desinformation sein, trägt es doch zur gesellschaftlichen Normalisierung von Unrecht bei, wie z.B. beim Thema Gewalt gegen Frauen. Unsere lateinamerikanischen Autorinnen – diesmal ausschließlich Frauen – analysieren in der sechsten Ausgabe von Perspectivas, wie solche Mechanismen in Lateinamerika funktionieren und zeigen Gegenmaßnahmen auf. Aus verschiedenen Blickwinkeln berichten sie über Desinformation, fehlende Transparenz, bewusst vorenthaltene Information und Wissenschaftsleugnung." (Vorwort, Seite 2)
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"The study’s key findings revealed that the Turkish information landscape is exposed to nearly all kinds of false information at very high rates. Frequent botnet and troll activity in Turkey’s social media use brings about more disinformation, fueling polarization and subversive discourse. Above
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all, one of the most troublesome suggestions is that “narratives evolve but false information perpetuates over time”. The study also drew correlative lines between Turkey’s alternative political realities and its polluted social media information and communication environment [...] Disinformation impacts almost all significant policy debates in Turkey, ranging from domestic politics to foreign policy and public health issues. For example, while the S-400 case was subject to ‘the US will invade Turkey’ paranoia as well as the false hopes revolving around the Russian SAM system as a ‘silver bullet solution to the imminent invasion’, the Coronavirus Pandemic witnessed biological warfare conspiracies going viral in the Turkish digital channels. In sum, Turkey has long been exposed to the vicious cycle of toxic discourse, disinformation, and extreme polarization in its digital information environment. This shortfall leads to critical vulnerabilities in the face of various hostile actors, ranging from state competitors to radical extremists." (Conclusion)
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