"1979: Im Iran wird der Schah gestürzt, die islamische Republik entsteht; parallel eskaliert mit dem sowjetischen Einmarsch der Bürgerkrieg in Afghanistan. Bilder über Afghanistan waren seither zumeist Bilder der Zerstörung. Diesen Außenansichten setzt ›Kabul/ Teheran 1979 ff‹ Perspektiven
...
aus Kabul entgegen. Nachrevolutionäre Filme aus dem Iran gewinnen Preise auf internationalen Festivals; zugleich steht Kino im Iran selbst für Modernität. Die iranische Filmszene unterstützt und beeinflusst die wieder entstehende afghanische Filmproduktion. Auch die vielen afghanischen Flüchtlinge, die im Iran leben, verbinden beide Länder. So wurde der Bauboom in der Megastadt Teheran maßgeblich von AfghanInnen bewerkstelligt. ›Kabul/Teheran 1979 ff‹ zeigt Geschichte(n), erzählt von iranischen und afghanischen FilmemacherInnen von 1979 bis heute, versammelt Beiträge vom Alltag der beiden Millionenstädte und aus den Flüchtlingslagern im Grenzgebiet der benachbarten Länder." (https://www.bbooks.de/verlag/kabul-teheran-1979ff)
more
"At a stay in Afghanistan in May 2006 my father-in-law Mohammed Faried Parvanta in a laborious effort acquired Persian lists of newspapers, magazines and radio and television stations from the Ministry of Information and Youth. These lists give an excellent quantitative overview on the current lands
...
cape of mass media in the country and I soon came to the conclusion that they are a source in itself, documenting a status which will have already changed considerably at the moment this article appears. My wish to publish them was limited by the question of how to make them accessible in a useful way. While speaking about it to my friend Eckart Schiewek who is since nine years a member of the United Nations Special Mission to Afghanistan (UNSMA) he mentioned another list that had been produced in February 2001 by UNSMA under his direction and thus reflects the media situation in the time of the Taliban (a time where very little is known about the publishing landscape). Eckart’s generosity to freely use the 2001 list made it clear that both lists should be published thus giving a comparison which to my knowledge hasn’t been tried yet. I decided to create a certain frame for the data in providing a short historical overview and adding some comments at certain points in the lists although I am in no way qualified for a critical historical study of the situation of Afghan mass media or periodicals. Instead this small article intends to make these two valuable lists available to the interested specialists. Despite my few comments both of the lists are basically reproduced as they were. I quickly gave up initial thoughts to translate the Persian lists because of the sheer size of these lists." (Preliminary remarks)
more
"This book represents one step in explaining international efforts to promote independent media. It attempts to examine the nature and significance of media assistance, discussing the evolution of the field, the focus of various programming approaches, and the possible impact of such efforts. It pre
...
sents case studies of media assistance programs in different countries. The book concludes with a set of recommendations for expanding and deepening media assistance for the international community. This book project grew out of a multi-country study that I directed in 2002–2004 to examine media assistance programs funded by the US Agency for International Development. The overall purpose of the study was to assess the nature and effectiveness of USAID programs and make policy and programmatic recommendations for the future. In writing this book I have mostly drawn from the massive information collected during two years of research and analysis. The book is based primarily on three sources of information. First are reviews of literature covering scholarly writings, project and program documents, and articles in popular magazines and newspapers on media assistance. Such reviews were country specific as well as global in nature. Because the academic literature is extremely limited and media assistance is hardly covered in magazines and newspapers except in high-profile cases such as Bosnia and Serbia, reviews largely relied on program documentation. I had the unique advantage of perusing thousands of documents that are not available to the public. Although mostly descriptive and often self-serving, they identified critical gaps in our knowledge and illuminated the challenges and achievements of international media endeavors. Second, my colleagues and I undertook extensive fieldwork in seven countries/regions—Afghanistan, Bosnia, Central America, Indonesia, Russia, Serbia, and Sierra Leone. In each of these cases, research teams conducted extensive discussions with international donor agencies, officials of host countries, project staff and contractors, and local media experts and journalists. Every possible effort was made to interview all those experts and managers who had intimate knowledge of the ongoing media assistance programs. Teams also examined locally available documents and reports and used translators to translate documents into English when necessary. In the absence of hard quantitative data, they largely relied on available documentation, indepth interviews, and their own knowledge of the media scene for their findings and conclusions. Finally, I organized a series of meetings in Washington, D.C., to discuss the findings of the country studies and explore new directions for media assistance programs. Such meetings helped to identify many problems and challenges facing media assistance programs and helped in formulating a set of recommendation for policymakers." (Chapter 1, page 10-11)
more
"The experience of establishing community stations in Afghanistan provides four distinct, but interrelated lessons [...] The project has demonstrated that international organizations can promote community stations in impoverished, war-tron societies that have had no experience of independent or comm
...
ercial media. Second, community radio can provide not only news but also a stimulus for grassroots democracy and social networks [...] Third, the Afghanistan example also suggests that community radio stations can raise modest resources locally [...] Fourth, in a politically and economically fragile environment, most community stations may require long-term financial support." (Lessons and recommendations, page 270-271)
more
"Progress on Public Service Broadcasting (PSB) is more likely to occur when there is collaboration with others; where there are strategic opportunities; when UNESCO uses project funds to reward progressive policy change; where there are staff in the field who are committed to PSB; when there is foll
...
ow-up and follow-through on activities; where UNESCO has a long-term perspective. The case study from Afghanistan (Appendix D) supports the view that collaborative programming has the potential to achieve much more than UNESCO could do alone. Collaboration is essential for large, long-term initiatives since UNESCO has limited funds available within the CI sector’s regular budget for PSB. UNESCO’s collaboration with UNDP in central Asia and its positioning of PSB within the UNDAF appears to have resulted in a positive influence. This is evident in Kyrgyzstan, for example, which developed a progressive broadcasting law that brought the country closer to a PSB model. UNESCO’s recent experiences in Malawi and Afghanistan demonstrate that significant movement towards PSB is possible in countries that are undergoing democratic reform. Post-conflict and failed states in transition can be fertile grounds for PSB but sustainable reforms are difficult to achieve within UNESCO’s planning cycle. UNESCO and its partners need to undertake thorough risk assessments in such countries before investing heavily. Cambodia illustrates one of UNESCO’s successful strategies for influencing change. UNESCO used IPDC funds to lever concessions from the Cambodian government. With IPDC as a carrot, UNESCO was able to persuade the government to introduce a new policy on editorial independence for broadcasters. As noted earlier, UNESCO’s greatest strength is its staff. In regions with knowledgeable and committed staff, it has had the largest volume of projects and made the most progress towards PSB. In contrast, where field officers have had little knowledge or interest in PSB, progress has been marginal." (Lessons, pages 25-26)
more
"This dissertation examines international aid in support of Afghan media from fall 2001 to fall 2004 as a case study to interrogate the notion of “media transition” and its underlying assumptions. It examines how development organizations such as the United Nations, bilateral aid agencies such a
...
s the U.S. Agency for International Development, and non-governmental agencies created the institutional structures that define and support the practice of media transition. It analyzes how the nascent Afghan state media institutions and non-governmental organizations dedicated to media reconstruction negotiated and mobilized the discourse of media transition to further their own aims. It also analyzes how changing political considerations, media production and dissemination outlets, and media producers’ own sense of mission affected the production of a series of radio programs designed to promote Afghan political transition. This dissertation argues that democracy should not be treated as a self-evident goal for media transitions, but should be viewed as a discursive process that shares many of the same concerns as development communications, and that mobilizes a transnational public sphere." (Abstract)
more
"[...] It is too early to assess the full impact of media development efforts undertaken since February 2002, given the short timeframe and the absence of reliable audience surveys. Nevertheless, OTI and Internews deserve credit for adopting an innovative, cost-effective approach to media assistance
...
that helped open up civic life in towns and villages across the country, while planting the seeds for Afghanistan’s first commercial radio market. Emphasizing sustainability and quality programming, USAID’s Office of Transition Initiatives (OTI) and Internews appear to have avoided pitfalls that have plagued projects in other postconflict settings. Internews carefully chose aid recipients, stipulated that the aid would be phased out, and organized training courses relating to core editorial and management skills. The main pillar of the assistance effort has been a loose network of community radio stations where journalists and business managers receive training, equipment, and a relatively modest level of funding. The network was launched February 2003 with a $327,897 grant from OTI. A subsequent grant was awarded to expand the network, which, by November 2004, had 25 community stations with a potential audience of 7.47 million Afghans, or 36 percent of the population. It is hoped that plans to add an AM component to the network will not prove too ambitious or burdensome for the stations. The community radio stations may sound amateurish at times, but they have helped raise community issues for public debate for the first time and held local authorities accountable. Other stations have provided an unprecedented arena for discussion of social concerns and formerly taboo women’s issues, including forced marriage and domestic violence." (Executive summary, pages ix-x)
more
"The purpose of the final evaluation was to provide the Office of Transition Initiatives (OTI) and the U.S. Agency for International Development with an assessment of the relevance, effectiveness, and lessons learned from OTI’s mega-program in Afghanistan. Since evaluations of the media program ha
...
d been undertaken and a study of management issues was planned, this evaluation addressed the following fundamental questions: 1. Was OTI strategic? 2. Did OTI promote government legitimacy? 3. Did OTI’s use of participatory democratic processes increase citizen’s connections to each other and to local authorities?" (Executive summary, page 6)
more
"[...] Radio listening amongst young people appears to be high and most of those interviewed listen daily, usually after lunch and in the evening. The BBC and VOA are popular stations with young people as are local radio stations including Radio Azadi, Aman and Sharq. However, in cities radio compet
...
es with TV, and young people from middle and low income groups often prefer it. Young people like listening to music but are also interested in news, debate and programmes, dealing with real issues or problems that offer insight, analysis and helpful solutions. Such programmes according to local journalists, youth workers and young people are in short supply, whereas music is not. Most young people indicate strongly that they want radio to contribute to both their broad education and their schooling. They want information about Afghanistan, its history and culture, its development and place in the world. They want to know how to help themselves, their families and their country and they want to be informed in an interesting, entertaining and frank way. They also want to know how other young people live in neighbouring countries. Young men and women would like a radio programme that gives them a voice and encourages debate about issues that affect them (for example, schools in rural areas, the introduction of private education, how much study to do, examination procedures, how to get into university, available courses, marriage and job opportunities). Women say they want radio to deal with the specific problems they face in relation to their status, education, work and security. Young people want to hear provincial, district and rural perspectives, not just voices from Kabul. There are high expectations of what the media can achieve in Afghanistan in terms of improving civic behaviour, government accountability, and changing harmful cultural attitudes and practices, particularly towards young women. Young women say radio should do more to persuade and influence fathers, uncles, brothers and imams on issues relating to their rights." (Executive summary, page 4)
more
"This article analyzes the framing of Norwegian media coverage of the war against terror in Afghanistan with special emphasis of the coverage of the Norwegian military presence in Afghanistan. Two main issues are discussed: 1. How was the start of the war covered in the media in October 2001? 2. In
...
what context was the Norwegian military presence covered? The two newspapers analyzed are Aftenposten and VG. The choice of these two newspapers was made to include Norway’s largest and potentially most influential morning paper (Aftenposten) and its largest tabloid, as well as largest newspaper (VG). Quantitative as well as qualitative methods are used to analyze the coverage. Both Aftenposten’s and VG’s coverage on the first day of the war in Afghanistan are dominated by pro-US framing and the use of Western sources. The pro-US framing is more obvious in Aftenposten than in VG." (Abstract)
more
"This paper will examine American efforts to create a vibrant free press in Iraq and Afghanistan. A $200 million project in Iraq was the largest attempt ever by the United States, or any country, to help create independent media in another nation. Run by the Pentagon, it was a near total failure in
...
its first year, with Iraqi journalists, American trainers and U.S. government officials assailing it as wasteful, amateurish and counterproductiv. A far smaller, $15 million State Department effort in Afghanistan, by comparison, appears to have been more effective. In both countries, many local journalists have performed well, particularly when given proper resources and training. But in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as around the world, murder and violence is now the single largest threat to the creation of an independent news media. Government officials, criminals and terrorists are increasingly using assault and murder to silence the media. Supporting, respecting and, most of all, securing local journalists may be the most critical way the United States can foster the creation of a vibrant free press in Iraq and Afghanistan." (Abstract)
more
"This report, Audience Perceptions of Radio Programming in Afghanistan, is the result of qualitative research conducted to assess audience perceptions of 3 key radio stations in the cities of Kabul and Herat in June 2004. The stations are: Radio Afghanistan (the state broadcaster) Arman FM (Afghanis
...
tan’s first commercial station) and Radio Herat (the state broadcaster). A total of 12 focus groups were conducted, split by age (18 – 29 and 30+) and gender. For each target station, 4 groups were held. Each group comprised 8 participants. The overall objective was to explore listening habits and audience preferences, particularly in terms of coverage of news and elections-related information, in order to inform the BBC WST project as it builds capacity within the Afghan media to play its part in the process of democratisation.
The research revealed a number of findings relating to general media consumption in Afghanistan: Listeners regularly switch between radio stations to listen to particular programming or presenters they like. Men and women listen at different times of the day, men more frequently in the early mornings and evenings, women during the day. Interactivity (such as phone-ins and letters) in programming appeals to listeners. Programmes that offer help and advice and have educational benefit are popular. Listeners dislike language that is overly formal and difficult but equally dislike language that is regarded as trivial or inappropriate. There are generational and gender differences in programme preferences, with younger audiences drawn especially by music programming. There is high awareness of programme names and presenter names." (Executive summary, page 2)
more
"In the case of media assistance in Afghanistan, financial and organizational resources originate almost exclusively from Western donors and INGOs, which largely bypass the Afghan Government. Organizations within the funding chain thus hold a functional form of power arising from the deployment of a
...
llocative resources and it enables them to attempt an instigation of social change in Afghanistan. According to the notion of power associated with Talcott Parson, a functional form of power requires coordination and collaboration in order to achieve collective goals within a political process. However, conflicts may arise in Afghanistan if collective goals diverge among the various foreign and domestic participants involved in altering the media space. This could occur if the various participants do not envision the outcome of media assistance objectives as a zero-sum game. Additionally, Giddens asserts that Parson underestimates the contestation of the norms necessary to pursue collective goals in the first place. Even though the Afghan Government and international donors purportedly agree on the installation of a democracy with a free and independent media, they still need to overcome resistance from existing power holders or entrenched structural properties impeding such a development. In the context of Afghanistan, it is very conceivable that media assistance could prompt intentional or even unintentional consequences caused by social actors discontent with the normative values and goals promulgated by media assistance. Such unintentional conditions may render the desired outcomes of media assistance providers impossible and undermine the desired social transformation. It is erroneous, though, to apply a positivist view that judges the success or failure of media assistance according to the outcome of the flux between structure and interaction alluded to in chapter four. In fact, such a view would be contrary to the propositions of structuration theory that imply a lack of definable boundaries in which structure and interaction intermingles. Equally wrong is to evaluate the media assistance effort by funding amounts contributed by donors, even though financial resources are a pre-requisite for rebuilding the media infrastructure. Instead, media assistance can be conceived as a form of empowerment that imbues a target society with a collective consciousness concerning its ability to alter structural properties, which represent forms of power and domination according to Giddens. The success of media assistance therefore is to produce a collective awareness that individuals can influence the structural properties of a social system, regardless of the direction of change emanating from the mediation of structure and action. The process of change requires not only the acquisition of functional power through allocative resources, but also the acquisition of transformative power by means of controlling authoritative resources, which are involved in the coordination of a social system. Afghans need to control the actors or institutions that selectively filter information in order to reflexively “regulate the overall conditions of system reproduction either to keep things as they are or to change them” (Giddens, 1984, page 27). Yet, it remains unresolved to what extent media assistance has provided Afghans with transformative power and whether or not it allows them to influence the underlying forces that mediate the structural properties in society." (Conclusions, page 39-40)
more
"This collection of conversations between journalists and federal officials aims to capture the tensions between the press and the government during wartime. They cover issues including military censorship and the difficulties of maintaining security in an era of satellite technology." (Publisher de
...
scription)
more
"This study, sponsored by the Communication Assistance Foundation, examines the potential for community-based radio in Afghanistan and identifies examples of how community radio can support initiatives for community development. The report and its recommendations are primarily intended as a resource
...
for agencies and organizations considering supporting radio, media or communication activities in the country, whether with funds or expertise [...] The report's main conclusion is that community radio is not only a viable option for Afghanistan, it is also a low-cost and effective way of contributing to medium and long-term efforts for reconstruction, development, democracy and nation-building. Community radio can be the missing link in a three-tiered publicservice radio system made up of national, regional and local radio stations. Recommendations deal with awareness of community radio, legal issues, governance, technology, and coordination of activities." (Executive summary, page II-III)
more
"The Handbook for Afghan Journalists is designed to help Afghan journalists in three ways. First, it serves as an explanation in their own language to many of the ideas and concepts behind international journalism. Second, it provides practical guidance on many of the basic techniques of journalism.
...
To this end there are 12 exercises in the book. Some of them have answers provided at the end, and others either have no correct answers or are designed to be worked on in the classroom with a teacher. Third, the glossary at the back is intended to serve as a reference to explain and introduce many concepts which may be new to Afghan journalists. A wider range of reporting on economic and humanitarian issues is essential to strong public debate - and good government and international community strategies - if Afghanistan's bid for peace and development is to succeed. Journalists need familiarity with basic concepts in these fields to report on them properly." (Introduction, page 2)
more
"On 5 September 2002, an International Seminar bringing together representatives of the Afghan government, local civil society and the international community adopted a Declaration on Promoting an Independent and Pluralistic Media in Afghanistan (‘the Declaration’). This Declaration, together wi
...
th the Policy Directions on Reconstruction and Development of Media in Afghanistan issued by the Minister for Information and Culture on 6 June (‘the Policy Directions’), constitutes the basic framework for the development of media policy in Afghanistan. Both the Policy Directions and the Declaration are firmly rooted in international law and standards. This Explanatory Memorandum seeks to elaborate the international and comparative law basis for the Declaration, particularly relating to the guarantee of freedom of expression. It draws on international law, as elaborated in the decisions of international courts and authoritative international statements, as well as leading national court decisions interpreting constitutional guarantees of freedom of expression. It is intended to contribute towards implementation of the Policy Directions and Declaration. Where possible, specific suggestions are made for the practical implementation of individual action points mentioned in the Declaration. This memorandum first discusses the importance of freedom of expression in a democratic society, with particular emphasis on the special role of the media. It then provides a commentary on those issues addressed in the Declaration which are of a legal or regulatory nature, including public service broadcasting and the promotion of an independent and pluralistic media." (Introduction)
more
"This article explores the bipolar structure of communication in Afghanistan, where the latest technological advancements in media coexist with a complex system of traditional communication. After 22 years of civil war and the destruction of most modern media facilities, Afghanistan's traditional ch
...
annels of communication have become even more significant. This article examines the history of the press in Afghan politics and society and asks what roles modern and traditional communication systems and values may play in the future." (Abstract)
more