"Since the fall of the Taliban in 2001, the Afghan media sector has experienced dramatic growth in all areas: television, radio, print, internet, mobile phones. As such, the sector holds tremendous potential for making significant contributions to peacebuilding in the country. However, the media sec
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tor also confronts numerous challenges that impede its ability to realize this potential – which can only be addressed through the combined efforts and attention of international and domestic stakeholders alike. Among the most pressing challenges is resolving the tension between information operations and counterinsurgency, on the one hand, and developing a viable, credible media sector on the other. All too often efforts to counter extremist messages through expanded military and government access to the airwaves (via purchased air time and proliferating “radio in a box” broadcasts from military outposts) have had a negative impact on both media market economics and media credibility. Sustainability is also a significant issue. A glut of media outlets has arisen that are privately licensed yet sustained by international donor funds and strategic communications money. This has had a deleterious effect on the perception of media, and its effectiveness as a guardian of public interests. The shortcomings of state-owned RTA as a public broadcaster further contribute to this, leading many experts to call for greater investment in long-term training and mentoring as well as regulatory reform to limit government manipulation of the airwaves." (Summary)
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"This book explores the journalism coming out of the Afghan war from the frontline and from the greater comfort of the library. It is an unusual hybrid: the testimony of some of the best frontline correspondents of our era, much of it placed in appropriate historical contexts, alongside detailed aca
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demic analysis – and much more. It ranges from the poppy fields of Helmand province to New York via the Iraq War and the modern rebirth of “embedding”. It mixes action, reflection and analysis and focuses on some of under-reported groups such as women and the humanitarian effort in Afghanistan.
It has its origin in a conference in Coventry in March 2010 put on as part of the university’s Coventry Conversations series (with financial support from the Pro Vice-Chancellor and the Dean of Business) in conjunction with the BBC College of Journalism and journalism.co.uk (the website forum for digitally active journalists). All of that conference can be seen and heard on bbc.co.uk/journalism and Coventry.ac.uk/itunesu. Many of the contributors to this book took part in that conference though some extra pieces have been specially commissioned. The war in Afghanistan will soon be coming up to its tenth anniversary.
Operation Enduring Freedom started on 7 October 2001 as a response to the 9/11 al-Qaeda attacks on the Twin Towers in New York. Freedom in Afghanistan has far from endured in that decade. There are today 100,000-plus US troops, 10,000-plus British troops and 17,000 from ISAF allies – including Germany, France, Italy, Poland and Canada.
US intelligence admit that there are now fewer than 100 al-Qaeda (the reason for invading in the first place) fighters left in the country and that the Taliban could fight on for ever. British Prime Minister David Cameron told the House of Commons on 14 June 2010 after his return from his first official visit to Afghanistan that it was only the presence of the ISAF troops that kept al-Qaeda from returning to Afghanistan in numbers. The West is fighting a phantom and desperately searching for an exit strategy. The trouble is they will leave behind an Afghan government scarred by illegitimacy, corruption and more. The Killing Fields will continue for a while yet. Journalism has escaped comparatively lightly – just nine Western journalists killed in Afghanistan since 2001.
Like all big stories, this war has attracted the cream of British journalistic talent especially the broadcast reporters. TV awards have been won on the field of battle by the new Brahmins – the war corrs parachuted in and out of Helmand. The idea for the conference and for the book took hold when I judged the Royal Television Society News Programme of the Year Awards for 2009. All entries featured front line action from their stars. Many of them have contributed to this book." (Pages 3-4)
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"A decade ago, mobile phone usage in Afghanistan was almost nonexistent; now there are 13 million subscriptions for a total of 29 million citizens, and the annual growth rate of subscription is estimated at 53 percent. A number of factors have fueled this dramatic increase, including the sheer popul
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ar demand for communication, an absence of viable landline substitutes, government deregulation, and a competitive market that flourishes despite the conflict. Each of the major telecommunications companies in Afghanistan identifies the same five challenges to future expansion: poverty, high illiteracy rates, corruption, an untrained workforce, and lack of security. Despite these challenges, Afghanistan has proved an exceptional case study in the use of mobile phones for social change in support of peacebuilding, as it has been the focus of numerous pilot application programs conducted by the government, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and the private sector. Mobile money transfer (MMT) applications have proved to be powerful mechanisms for helping to reduce corruption, foster security sector reform, and promote economic development. Yet neither the international community nor the Afghan government has shown the will or the capacity to move MMT programs forward at a pace commensurate with their demonstrated potential. At least two other high-value mobile applications were cited during the June summit as having improved conditions for stability and reconstruction in early deployments: (1) the provision of market information through mobile phones, especially in the agricultural sector, and (2) the use of mobile phones to strengthen local governance and civil society. Both applications have sufficient promise to warrant large-scale rollouts and merit careful consideration by international donors, whose support is vital during the transition to sustainability." (Summary)
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"In 2004-2005, the United States Agency for International Development’s (USAID) Office of Transition Initiatives commissioned Altai Consulting to conduct the first comprehensive media evaluation of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, looking at the impact of the Afghan media on opinions and behav
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iors three years after the beginning of the country’s reconstruction. The evaluation found, among other things: that Afghans were avid and sophisticated media users and that cultural barriers to media use were less significant than previously expected; that the radio played a predominant role throughout the country; and that media are instrumental in social progress and education. However, since publication of that report1, Afghanistan’s media sector has seen important changes. To inform future assistance from the international community to the Afghan media, it was deemed necessary to assess the current state of the Afghan media – by reflecting a full and accurate audience profile, to determine program preferences, to measure the impact of the Afghan media on local opinions and behaviors and to gauge Afghan expectations in terms of programming and messaging. A large-scale research project was thus planned and conducted from March to August 2010. This research included a deep probe into the media sector and the public’s behaviors and expectations. The methodology used to achieved this included a combination of: literature review; direct observations; key informant interviews with most relevant actors involved in the media sector; 6,648 close-ended interviews in more than 900 towns and villages of 106 districts, covering all 34 provinces of the country; an audience survey on more than 1,500 individuals run daily for a week; about 200 qualitative, open-ended interviews; and 10 community case studies. Such an effort guarantees that results presented here are fairly representative of the Afghan population at large. This document provides a comprehensive synthesis of data collected during the survey. A database of media actors, 16 priority district reports, 10 case study reports, a complete description of the methodology and the original datasets from the main quantitative research and the audience research are publicly available, allowing anyone interested to access more focused information as needed." (Introduction, page 8)
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"This article argues that Johan Galtung’s theory on peace journalism can serve as a fruitful supplement to theory-building in the field of war and peace journalism, and critically reviews the scholarly debate on peace journalism. By using examples from Norwegian media coverage of the war in Afghan
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istan and examples of research on the Norwegian media coverage of the war, the author argues that Galtung’s theory on peace journalism can also serve as a useful platform for teaching and journalism training in the field of conflict and war reporting." (Abstract)
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"[...] International donor support for Afghanistan's media has had two primary goals. The short-term goal has been to counteract the effects of insurgent communications in order to win the hearts and minds of the Afghan people. The long-term goal has been to create a free and independent media secto
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r that will continue to function after donor support has ended. Although millions of dollars have been invested in the development of the Afghan media sector and the growth of private media since 2001 is considered one of Afghanistan's greatest success stories, neither of these donor goals is being met. Donor support for Afghan media has led to the growth of radio and television outlets that are almost entirely dependent on foreign funding - direct and indirect. Recent strategic communications policies have neither diminished nor adequately countered the presence of extremist voices in Afghanistan. Despite some examples to the contrary, Taliban communications continue to affect the lives of ordinary Afghans, whereas many communications by and from Western sources do not. Neither short- nor mid-term analysis of the Afghan economy - ranked the third poorest in the world by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) - foresees the growth of a market able to sustain Afghanistan's domestic media sector without foreign financing. The limited impact of Western communications endeavors, in conjunction with the predicted continued weakness of the Afghan economy, reveals an urgent need for a dramatic shift in the media strategies and goals pursued by the United States and its allies. First and foremost, donors should invest primarily in the Afghan media's production and dissemination of socially constructive contents rather than in building media institutions or infrastructure that the Afghan economy cannot support. For these contents to be received as authentic and credible, they must reflect the vulnerabilities and priorities that Afghans themselves have identified as vital. Donors should make a multiyear funding commitment to the media in Afghanistan. Support should be allocated to both terrestrial and wireless media through a transparent and competitive process developed jointly by donors and Afghan media experts. Aggressively supporting the dissemination of socially constructive contents through new outlets will permit access to both geographic and demographic segments of the population not adequately served by current media outlets." (Summary, page 3)
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"The international community entered Afghanistan in December 2001 to oust the Taliban. It promised reconstruction, development and democratisation. At the time, the trauma of 25 years of war had left civil society in Afghanistan shattered and the media had become mere tools in the hands of the dicta
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torial rulers. If the pro-Communist Governments had totally monopolised the media for their own propaganda, the Taliban banned TV in all areas under their control and ordered women journalists to go home. They had for their propaganda Radio Shariat, which only broadcast religious debate and sermons. Five days after the fall of Taliban, the first image broadcast by the public television channel Kabul Television, after five years of silence, was the face of a woman, Maryam Shakiba, no longer covered with a veil. The face of a woman presenter on national TV was regarded as a symbol of hope for change." (Introduction)
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"1. Overall awareness of Afghan Woman’s Hour (AWH) in Afghanistan was found to be high; 50% of all those who had listened to the radio in the previous month were aware of AWH. Awareness was higher in the South Western region at 64% compared with the lowest level of awareness at 23% in the Hazarjat
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region. Awareness was higher among women (60%) as compared to men (40%) men indicating popularity of the programme among its primary target audience i.e. women.
2. The survey found that about 45% of active radio listeners had ever listened to AWH, indicating that the programme has been heard by approximately 11 million Afghans. Listenership was highest in the South Western province (61%) followed by Eastern (49%) and South Central (48%) provinces. Hazarjat province reported the lowest listenership at 22%.
3. More than half of all female active radio listeners had ever listened to AWH. Again, it is apparent that the programme is reaching its primary target audience with 55% of women having ever listened to the programme. Nearly all those who were aware of the programme had heard the programme at some point.
4. Of all those aware of AWH, 76% of men and 83% of women had listened to it in the last month or more recently. Nearly a fifth of all active radio listeners had listened to the programme in the last 7 days with more than a third having listened in the last month.
5. Just over a fifth of all active radio listeners listen to AWH once a week or more. Slightly less than a third of female all active radio listeners listen to the programme once a week or more. As expected this figure is lower for men." (Exectuvive summary)
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"This guide, compiled with the most updated sources at the time of going to press in early 2009, will take you step by step towards becoming an effective investigative journalist, gaining and practicing the necessary skills and thus gaining the self-confidence required to do a job that is both effec
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tive and fulfilling for you. We'll show you each step wit the help of examples of good reporting, both from Afghanistan, countries in the region as well as international examples which turned around situations and removed powerful people from the public scene after they crossed the line." (Preface)
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"Die Arbeit untersucht, welche Rolle die Medien für die Demokratisierung des von 24 Jahren Krieg zerstörten Landes spielen können. Vor allem internationale Hilfsorganisationen sind gefordert, die aufkeimende afghanische Presse auf dem Weg zu Demokratie und Freiheit zu begleiten. Nach theoretische
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n Überlegungen zu Demokratie und Medien sowie der politischen Situation Afghanistans richtet sich das Hauptaugenmerk auf die praktische Medienförderung vor Ort. Die Verfasserin bereiste im April 2004 das Camp des Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRT) der Bundeswehr in Kunduz und besuchte eine Woche lang verschiedene Presseprojekte der Deutschen sowie weitere Medienprojekte internationaler NGOs in Kunduz. Es wird deutlich, dass Medien in Zeiten des gesamtgesellschaftlichen Umbruchs eine wichtige Rolle für den Demokratisierungsprozess eines Landes spielen können. Medienhilfe muss zudem mit konventioneller Entwicklungshilfe kooperieren und sich an die Gegebenheiten des Landes anpassen. Nur so kann eine Presselandschaft entstehen, die zum jeweiligen Volk passt und sich somit auch nach dem Abzug der internationalen Hilfsorganisationen weiterentwickeln und finanzieren kann." (Abstract, aus: Transfer 1/2005, http://www.dgpuk.de/transfer)
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"The development of media in post-Taliban Afghanistan has been relatively successful (compared with both the Taliban regime and other countries subject to international intervention) in establishing free and responsible expression despite the lack of electricity, harsh terrain, absence of viable med
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ia outlets during the Taliban regime, and a conservative religious society that subordinates women. However, Afghanistan’s media development remains incomplete. Since it still faces many challenges, the international community must continue to assist and support it. Three main processes contributed to Afghanistan’s initial media success: the proliferation of local media, especially radio; the government’s increased capacity to communicate; and international media that filled gaps that otherwise might have become problematic. This three-pronged approach in Afghanistan may provide useful lessons for other societies emerging from conflict." (Summary)
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"This paper has demonstrated that the benefits for the general Afghan and Iraqi public derived from the ‘promotion of independent media’ by institutions like the NED are questionable, especially for parties interested in encouraging more deliberative or participatory forms of democracy. Instead,
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the promotion of ‘independent’ media in Afghanistan and Iraq seems to be playing a key role in the promotion of low-intensity democracy or polyarchy. Additionally, it also appears that countries of greater geostrategic value need more ‘democratization’, for example, both countries have roughly the same population but ‘oil rich Iraq received 20 times more American media development assistance per year than war-ravaged Afghanistan, one of the poorest nations on earth’ (Rohde, 2005: 29). With such large amounts of money being wielded by ‘democracy promoters’, their short term influences may impact heavily on both countries, yet perhaps the most significant effects of these media interventions will be felt in the long term. Previous case studies have shown that groups or individuals supported by ‘democracy promoters’ are expected to move on to fill leading roles within their societies." (Conclusion, page 124)
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"The purpose of this handbook is to lay out some principles that could function as guideposts for journalists in Afghanistan as they seek to grapple with the evolving complexities of democracy in action. It seeks to provide concrete suggestions on how global best practices in political reporting and
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election coverage could be adapted for the Afghanistan context. Interactions between the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) and the Afghan Independent Journalists Association (AIJA) have arrived at several conclusions about current media awareness of the democratic electoral process. Journalists find they have little access to the inner workings of the electoral process. They think that political leaders do not want to face journalists who ask difficult questions. The referee of the electoral process, the Independent Election Commission established under the constitution of Afghanistan, also is in need of media oversight, as are the election observers deployed by international agencies. Journalists are keen to join debate about the most appropriate pattern of electoral democracy for Afghanistan, in terms of assessing the presidential and the parliamentary system, and all the variants on these basic models. Journalists want an agreed charter of rights regarding their powers of scrutiny over the electoral process, so that they can report irregularities that ordinary people and public authorities can then seek to correct. Journalists want to understand better the principles of neutral and non-partisan reporting. In the specific situation of past and present conflict in Afghanistan, journalists want to understand how they can expand the limits of “safe reporting”, particularly in relation to the influence and coercive power wielded by erstwhile “warlords." (Introduction, page 3)
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"Independent media have expanded and diversified in Afghanistan, though the country remains a precarious and hazardous place for journalists and media organisations. Nine journalists have been killed between January 1, 2007 and the writing of these lines (though one case remains a little unclear), w
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hile abductions, physical violence, threats and intimidation against journalists continue with worrying frequency. While the establishment of a number of print, broadcast and online media outlets creates an atmosphere of hope for the growth of free media in the country, attacks on journalists, death threats and intimidation from armed insurgency owing allegiance to the Taliban continue. Worryingly, there has also been an increasing trend of official and governmental sources, not to mention the various armed groups that continue to have immense influence in the national houses of parliament, to threaten and harass media and media workers. The threats are clearly intended to silence debate about the new Afghanistan, and to stifle the development of an independent and critical media through which such debate would be conducted.
Religious hardliners continue to apply pressure on the Government of President Hamid Karzai to impose or support harsh measures against individuals and institutions who do not bow to fundamentalist ideas about the direction of Afghan society. This is despite the clear guarantee in Afghanistan’s Constitution of the right of citizens to freedom of expression. The most prominent example is that of Sayed Parvez Kambakhsh, a young journalist with the Jahan-e-Naw weekly and a student at Balkh University, Mazar-e-Sharif, who was sentenced to death after a four-minute closed-door hearing in January 2008, on charges of blasphemy." (Page 3)
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"BBC listenership in Afghanistan remains strong and the station has retained a strong brand presence. BBC radio is among the most listened to stations in Afghanistan. Over half (57%) of adults had listened within the past week at the time of the survey in January 2008. 75% of the population claimed
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to have heard it at some point. Eighty-nine percent of Afghans who have ever used BBC radio or TV indicated they will continue to use the BBC in the future and over three-quarters (76%) say they will recommend the BBC to others. BBC Afghanistan is the service most people still turn to for news and it is the most trusted source of news on TV or radio. Ninety-percent of BBC listeners feel they can trust the information provided by the BBC. People respect the service for being relevant, unbiased and educational [...] Afghans have a strong desire for news and information. The vast majority of Afghans (92%) think it is important to stay informed about current events in Afghanistan. The internal situation remains fluid, and this is a country going through a tumultuous social, economic, and political transformation. Afghans are also keen to stay informed about daily security threats to hear about the continuing struggle between the Afghan government and the anti-government elements, in particular the Taliban, for control over the future of the country." (Executive summary, pages 4-5)
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"Als Partner des staatlichen Rundfunks Radio Television Afghanistan (RTA) leistet der Auslandssender Deutsche Welle (DW) einen wichtigen Beitrag zum Demokratisierungsprozess in Afganistan. Denn freie, unabhängige und verlässliche Medien sind in einer Demokratie unverzichtbar. Sie versorgen die Men
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schen im ganzen Land mit Informationen und tragen so zu aktiver Meinungsbildung bei." (Seite 5)
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"This case study investigates the launch of a women’s radio station in Herat, Afghanistan, in October 2003. It follows four women journalists’ struggles in balancing the demands of a highly conservative culture on the one hand, and the objectives of their Canadian journalism trainers on the othe
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r. By discussing how the radio station was forced to accede to the male-centric norms in Afghan radio production to avoid being labelled unprofessional, the study concludes that gender and media development must be conceptualised more carefully to present an effective challenge to gender inequality." (Abstract)
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"This paper attempts to measure the impact of naturally occurring media frames on public support for a policy. Content analysis of network nightly news during late October of 2001 reveals that U.S. media framed the events of September 11 in terms of both war and crime. A concurrent survey of 328 Ten
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nesseans reveals that rather than adopting either a war frame or a crime frame, audiences combined elements of these media frames in various ways and that their subsequent understanding of the events of September 11 had an impact on their support for the war in Afghanistan. The results reveal the complexity of the framing phenomenon in natural environments and suggest the need for better measures of how audiences perceive media frames as well as further investigation into framing as a means of coalition building." (Abstract)
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"Wie arbeiten Journalisten in einem Land wie Afghanistan? Wie sah und vor allem wie sieht die Medienlandschaft und die Pressefreiheit in dem vom Krieg geschundenen Land am Hindukusch aus? Die vorliegende Arbeit liefert Antworten zu diesen bisher von der Forschung komplett vernachlässigten Fragen. D
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ie Autorin bietet eine erste Bestandsaufnahme des Journalismus in Afghanistan und verbindet aufschlussreich zeitgeschichtliche Hintergründe und den aktuellen Transformationsprozess des Mediensystems. Mit dem analysierenden Teil und der aufwändigen empirischen Untersuchung versteht sich diese Studie als ein Basiswerk in der Journalismus- und Medienforschung in Afghanistan." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Die Annahme, dass eine kontrollierte Presse das Ziel einer Förderung demokratischer Strukturen immer ad absurdum führe, darf vor dem Hintergrund einer politischen Ausnahmesituation nach einem bewaffneten Konflikt durchaus hinterfragt werden. Die in diesem Zusammenhang geführte Diskussion über M
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edienfreiheit versus Konflikteindämmung verdeutlicht die grundsätzlich verschiedenen Zielsetzungen und Ansäze zwischen internationalen NGOs und IGOs beim Medienaufbau. IGOs, wie die OSZE, plädierten in Bosnien für den Aufbau neuer Medienorgane unter Kontrolle von IGOs. Die OSZE befürchtete zu Recht, dass bereits bestehende und etablierte Medienorgane oft unter dem Einfluss von Konfliktparteien stehen. Das galt auch für die Übergangsregierung in Afghanistan. Für die NGOs hingegen ist die Förderung bereits bestehender lokaler Medienorgane die Voraussetzung für einen nachhaltigen Medienaufbau, der zugleich auch den Aufbau der Zivilgesellschaft unterstützt. Das Auswärtige Amt hat in den Schwerpunktsetzungen grundsätzlich einen richtigen Ansatz verfolgt. Allerdings sind die gegenwärtigen Rahmenbedingungen wie das Haushaltsrecht und der Mangel an Evaluierungsmechanismen sowohl seitens der Geldgeber als auch der Implementierungspartner unzureichend. Darüber hinaus wiederholen sich in Afghanistan die Probleme mangelnder Koordinierung. Internews und die UNESCO waren beide in Bosnien aktiv und schon dort mit unzureichender Koordinierung der internationalen Maßnahmen und der Parteilichkeit von nationalen Medienorganen konfrontiert. In Afghanistan übernahm die UNESCO im Frühjahr 2002 die Koordinierung der afghanischen Medienlandschaft und der internationalen Hilfsleistungen in diesem Bereich. Die mangelnde Kohärenz der Aktivitäten konnte dennoch nicht behoben werden. Trotz der früheren Erfahrungen aus anderen Post-Konfliktstaaten wurden die Fehler im Umgang mit Medien wiederholt." (Fazit, Seite 37)
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